Content Analysis of Spiritual Life in Contemporary USA, India, and China

Abstract

This study investigates the lived-experience of spiritual life in contemporary USA, India, and China. A qualitative coding frame was constructed based on participant responses to open-ended questions regarding spirituality. Qualitative analysis was facilitated by the use of Dedoose, a mixed methods software. The exploratory approach of this study takes on a cross-culturally comparative lens, and has two primary questions: (1) What are the universal aspects of lived spirituality across cultures, and (2) How does culture shape spiritual experience (e.g., typology and prevalence)? A total of 6112 participants (41% women, mean age of 29 years, range 18–75 years) were recruited, and analysis was conducted on a subset of 900 participants. The primary thematic categories derived by content analysis included religion (religious traditions, religious conversion, religious professionals, religious figures “theophany,” and religious forces “heirophany”), contemplative practice (meditation, mindful movement, prayer, and rituals), ancestors (ancestral worship, dreams about ancestors, and general mention of ancestors), natural world (animals, and nature), and metaphysical phenomena. Metaphysical categories were further parsed apart to include extrasensory perception (telepathy, clairvoyance, precognition, realistic dreams, and intuitive impressions), psychokinesis, survival hypothesis (near death experiences, out of body experiences, and apparitional experiences), and faith and energy healing (recovery/remission of illness, and spiritual practitioners). Explanatory factors for similarities and differences across groups, and the origins of spirituality, are discussed.

1. Introduction

Universal Spirituality

Research indicates that spirituality and religion are two different constructs. Spirituality is an innate part of all individuals according to twin studies which show 30% of the human capacity for spirituality is due to broad heritability (Kendler et al. 1997). Spirituality is a way of perception and connection with the life force, the greater Universe, and the transcendent in daily life. Religion is taught and is over 90% socialized (Kendler et al. 1999). Religion is a form of expression, a system of ritual, teachings and meaning that embraces our natural spirituality (Zinnbauer et al. 1999). Spirituality is innate and religion is socialized. Religion can foster a natural spirituality; however, spirituality can be fostered in other ways.

The current body of literature on universal aspects of spirituality examines definitions, theories, and applications (de Jager Meezenbroek et al. 2012). Several meta-analyses have identified spirituality’s positive relationship with quality of life (Sawatzky et al. 2005), well-being in the context of palliative care and hospice (Edwards et al. 2010), and physical health (Jim et al. 2015). The research on spirituality in religion, health care, personal growth, and cross-cultural contexts, utilizes a wide range of terminology which may imply a diversity of non-standardized definitions within the field (Moberg 2002). A review of 73 studies offered potential core definitions for spirituality, including connectedness, transcendence, existential reality, meaning, purpose, sacredness, yoga, meditation, self-awareness, and religious practice (Chiu et al. 2004).

Meditation has been proposed to be a cross-culturally salient pathway to spiritual development (Kristeller and Jordan 2017), as well as the arts (Mooney and Timmins 2007). Spirituality may also be a fundamental component of personality across cultural groups (Rican and Janosova 2010), or a cultural adaptation of the personality traits of agreeableness and conscientiousness (Saroglou 2010). Meditation, healing groups and twelve-step programs are reported pathways to the sacred which can transform and enhance the human experience (Zinnbauer et al. 1999). A deepened, more personalized sense of spirituality may have the potential to bring greater well-being to diverse individuals and communities.

2. Spiritual Life Across Three Countries

2.1. USA: Polarization of Religion and Spirituality

Increasing interest in the topic of religion and spirituality in American psychology has fueled research efforts to characterize spiritual life in America. Though the racially and religiously heterogeneous makeup of the American population complicates the search for definitive types of spiritual experience, a close examination of relevant literature provides trends. There is a growing polarization between the concept of religion and spirituality, such that the term religion is increasingly becoming associated with “institutional, formal, outward, doctrinal, authoritarian, and inhibiting individual expression,” while spirituality has become associated with a more personal side of religion, involving “individual, subjective, emotional, inward, unsystematic, and self-expression” (Hill and Pargament 2008). This parallels the trend towards secularization in the U.S., where a growing number of individuals profess no religious affiliation but consider themselves spiritual or religious (Bengtson et al. 2015). This phenomenon called “new age spirituality” has been described as encompassing three main facets, including a mystical idea of one’s inner self and divine nature, an emphasis on harmony throughout the world rather than conflict, and an approach to truth that requires subjective experience rather than objective and analytical methods of modern science (Houtman et al. 2009).

Spiritual experiences in America can also be understood through instrument-formation. For example, The Daily Spiritual Experience Scale assesses the extent to which an individual addresses their ultimate questions about life-meaning, perceives the transcendent in daily life, and uses spiritual beliefs to overcome physical or emotional difficulties (Underwood and Teresi 2002). Another scale, The Spiritual Assessment Scale, conceptualizes spirituality as a phenomenon with four critical attributes, including purpose and meaning in life, inner resources, unifying interconnectedness, and transcendence (Delaney 2005). Based on the conceptualizations of spirituality evident in these scales developed by and tested on U.S. samples, it can be surmised that U.S. spirituality generally focuses on personal interaction with the transcendent and deriving a sense of purpose and meaning from spiritual interactions, and this manifests most robustly in coping with hardship (Skaggs and Barron 2006).

2.2. India: Secularism and Spirituality

Similar to Western counterparts, spirituality in India transcends institutionalized religion and authority of priestly lineages and monastic institutions (Van der Veer 2009). Gandhi has played a significant role in transforming secularism and state neutrality into an aspect of Indian spirituality, which exemplifies the continuity between colonial and postcolonial India (Van der Veer 2009). Neoliberal capitalism has become the backdrop to workplace spirituality, emphasizing meditation and practices that enhance daily living in a manner that suits the lifestyles of young urban professionals (Van der Veer 2009).

The research on psychology and Hinduism describes spirituality in India as placing emphasis upon transcendence and universal connectedness (Aurobindo 1919, p. 2). This belief in a unitive nature of life is called universality (Piedmont and Leach 2002). For example, in Hinduism, Brahman is the ultimate reality underlying all existence, and a core underpinning of this popular religion lies in the union of individual identity with Brahman (Hanna and Green 2004). Indian psychology also recognizes paranormal aspects of human experience and provides plausible explanations for these phenomena (Dalal and Misra 2010). In some circumstances, spiritual ecstasies are not considered abnormal in Indian society, and traditionally, individuals who displayed altered mental states were not treated for mental disorders (Bhawuk 2003).

A few studies have developed scales to measure spirituality in Indian samples. Piedmont and Leach (2002) administered the Spiritual Transcendence Scale developed by Piedmont (1999) to a sample of 369 Indian undergraduate students. Prayer Fulfillment (positive feelings resulting from personal encounters with a transcendent being) and Universality (unitive nature of life), showed moderate levels of reliability, while Connectedness (connection with other individuals across generations and groups) showed a low level of reliability. Gaur and Sharma (2014) developed a novel Spiritual Health Assessment Scale and found three domains of spirituality emerged within another Indian sample, including self-development, self-actualization and self-realization.

2.3. China: Religious Revival and Syncretism

China has witnessed a rapid revival of religious faith since 1979 (Liang 2012; Lizhu 2003; Madsen 2011). Present day diverse practices and beliefs come from official and unofficial religions, as designated by the government, as well as folk religion (Harrell 1977; Harrell 1979). Religious revival for ethnic minorities like Uighurs and Tibetans has been paralleled by a broad cultural renaissance (Madsen 2011). Official statistics in 2003 have indicated that upwards of 200 million believers reside in China, and this large group has expanded in response to several factors. This includes the dissolution of the ban on freedom of worship, and emergence of political and economic reforms leading to social uncertainties (Lai 2005). In the 21st century, China’s Buddhist diplomacy has emerged as a potential buffer and moral foundation against the rapidly changing economy and Christian movement. Buddhism in this modern context may offer a new possibility of social harmony amidst globalization by increasing diversity of thought in China (Angelskår 2013).

Modernization has also contributed to religious re-composition in China. As a result, spiritual independence has gradually increased, paralleling the emergence of autonomous individualism (Ji 2006). Chinese spiritual beliefs have somewhat liberalized and diversified over the last 30 years (Zhang et al. 2011). The emerging presence of spiritual and religious syncretism in China may facilitate more harmonious coexistence of traditional and nontraditional beliefs (Baird 2004). This re-emergence and reformation of old tradition and ideologies of a new typology may be linked to an underlying thirst for knowledge of the spirit (Goossaert and Palmer 2011).

Zhang et al. (2011) found that the content of Chinese youth and young adults’ spiritual beliefs included religious beliefs, soul beliefs, spiritual transcendence beliefs, inner power beliefs, social beliefs, and practical beliefs. In this study, 31% emphasized spiritual transcendence and believed in a spiritual world beyond religion (Zhang et al. 2011). Notably, atheism is the established official belief system, which may at least partially explain why 40% of university students from Beijing, China’s largest city, reported strong uncertainty about religious beliefs and their importance (Zhang et al. 2011).

3. Aims of Study

This study investigates the lived experience of spirituality in contemporary USA, India, and China. In this study, culture was defined as geographic and/or ethnically clustered groups of individuals with broad relative commonalities in socio-cultural histories. Religion was considered as an aspect of spirituality and spiritual life. A qualitative coding frame was formulated based on participant responses to open-ended questions regarding spirituality. The exploratory approach of this study takes on a cross-culturally comparative lens, and has two primary areas of inquiry, specifically: (1) What are the universal aspects of lived spirituality, and (2) How does culture shape spiritual experience (e.g., typology and prevalence)?

4. Method

4.1. Participants

From June 2014 to February 2015, 6112 participants (41% women, mean age = 29 years, range 18–75 years) were recruited from equivalent crowdsourcing websites: Mturk.com for residents in the US (N = 1633) and India (N = 1141), and Zhubajie.com for residents in China (N = 3338) (see

Table 1. Demographics.

Characteristic	China	India	USA
Age	M = 29 years, Range 18–75 year
Gender	%	%	%
Female	40.5	62.3	45.6
Male	59.3	37.7	54.4
Marital Status
Married	25.2	51.3	38.6
Widowed/divorced	1.3	2	11.1
Single never married	73.3	46.1	50.2
Children
Yes	17	41.9	42.3
No	82.7	57.6	57.7
Sexual Orientation
Straight	94.4	80.6	89.4
Gay/Lesbian	1.5	0	3.3
Bisexual	1.8	11.5	5.5
Education Level
Some high school/High school degree	6.6	2.6	14
Some college/Associate degree	44.8	9.4	39.3
Undergraduate degree	42	46.6	33.8
Graduate degree	6.4	40.3	12.8
Estimated Personal Income
Above 75th percentile	6.9	24.6	6
Between 50–75th percentile	14.2	24.1	15.3
Between 25–50th percentile	40.2	22.5	26.0
Below 25th percentile	38.4	27.7	52.1
Environment prior to age 18
Urban	20.6	44.5	24.1
Suburban	13	22.5	50.1
Rural	41	23.0	21.3
Mixed	25.4	9.4	4.5

Note. Demographics of 6112 participants recruited on crowdsourcing platforms.

). Participants were reimbursed $6 or its equivalent after full completion of the qualitative and demographic questionnaire. The online questionnaire consisted of a number of widely used spiritual, clinical, and psychological instruments, as well as socio-demographic and open-ended qualitative questions (this study focuses on the qualitative data). This study was approved by the Institutional Review Board of Teachers College, Columbia University, and informed consent was obtained from participants before inclusion in the study.

4.2. Measures

Nine qualitative multi-part questions were included as two separate blocks in the beginning and middle of the questionnaire. Questions included: (1) How do you define religion? (2) How do you define spirituality? (3) Please tell us the story of your most significant spiritual or religious experience. What led up to it? How did it affect the way you live? How did it change your view of reality or sense of purpose? (4) If you have ever had an experience of any of the following, would you please tell us your story? (A healing through prayer. A prophetic dream. A visitation by an ancestor, angel, or other sacred being. A strongly felt sense of oneness and connection. An important synchronicity. Any other surprising or meaningful spiritual experience that you have not yet shared.) (5) Who have been the most significant figures in your own spiritual or religious growth? Please tell us about the development of one of these relationships. (6) Please use this space to elaborate in your own words on your spiritual life story. (7) How is spirituality or religion a positive presence in your everyday life? How has that changed over time? Have there been times where spirituality or religion has influenced you in a negative way? (8) Has spirituality or religion ever helped you through times of suffering? If so, please tell us the story. (9) Do you believe that there is something essentially “you” that will live on after you die? If so, was this essence of “you” something that was present before you were born?

4.3. Procedure

The survey was provided in English for the US and India participants, and the China survey was translated into Chinese. The Chinese translation process followed common and recommended procedures for instrument adaptation (Squires et al. 2013). The translation committee consisted of five bilingual translators. To establish conceptual equivalence of the original instruments, the Chinese version was back-translated into English by unique translators, and was compared to the original English survey by the entire translation committee. A few terms that required clarification were discussed, and modifications were applied to adjust for minor conceptual discrepancies encountered during the translation and back-translation process.

4.4. Data Analysis

Across the spectrum of qualitative analysis described by Vaismoradi and colleagues (Vaismoradi et al. 2013) ranging from thematic analysis to content analysis, the approach used in this study primarily focuses on a content analysis approach. Due to the limited research on cross-cultural spirituality in larger samples, the aim was to identify lived experiences or manifestations of spirituality for adults across the US, India, and China. The qualitative analyses were informed by the inductive process of grounded theory, which utilizes a bottom-up data-driven approach (Braun and Clarke 2006; Charmaz 2011). Stages of analysis included coding participants from each country to attain theme saturation, exploring coding for interpretative bias and reliability, ensuring parsimony in content categories, and establishing hierarchical categories to organize into a code frame.

To develop a code frame, 100 participants were randomly selected from each country and coded with the assistance of Dedoose, a mixed-methods qualitative software. All potential themes were parsed out for each open-ended question by committee members until theme saturation was reached across raters during the open coding phase. To ensure inter-rater reliability during this stage of analysis, committee members reviewed data independently. Themes were subsequently compared and consolidated, and a hierarchical coding-frame was developed. During the selective coding phase, the coding-frame was applied to 600 participants. Lastly, representative narratives which best illustrate each theme were determined through independent and subsequent committee review.

5. Results

In the US sample, 61% endorsed a religious denomination and 48% identified as Christian. In the India sample, 96% endorsed a religious denomination, with 63% identifying as Hindu. In the China sample, 57% endorsed a religious denomination, with 36% identifying as Buddhist (see Figure 1 for further detail). Overall, religion was associated with both positive and negative attributes. Across all three countries, participants often described religion as a formal set of rules, oftentimes dualistic and dogmatic, a system of faith and worship, a frame work of life/the world/the universe, an organized cultural system of world views, teachings based on religious texts, ideologies on how people should behave to create a harmonious society, a guidance system, morality, hierarchical groups, powerful institutions that can exploit the innocent, a belief in divine beings, altruism and good actions, objectification, superstition, faith, and commonly a path to spirituality or something that strengthens spirituality.

Perceived importance of spiritual life varied by country, with over 20% in the US, 50% in India, and 5% in China reporting spirituality as highly important (see Figure 2 for further detail). Spirituality was often described as a positive and personalized process. Across all three countries, participants frequently described spirituality as the following: meaning-making, reflection on life and death, intuition, a personal experience of God, an innate process, a human capacity, individual purpose, devotion, integration of religious ideals, focus on non-material world, personal relationship with god, faith in God or a higher power that results in transformation, a search for transformation, something immeasurable by modern science, enlightenment, intelligence, religious practices, something that is both innate and cultivated through reflection and application of moral/ethical virtues, and is associated with non-material and metaphysical experiences.

Primary thematic categories included religion (religious traditions, religious conversion, religious professionals, religious figures “theophany,” and religious forces “heirophany,”) contemplative practice (meditation, mindful movement, prayer, and rituals), ancestors (ancestral worship, dreams about ancestors, and ancestors discussed), natural world (animals, and nature), and metaphysical phenomena (see

Table 2. Rates of Codes Occurrence by Country (Percent).

Theme	Subthemes	USA	India	China
Religion		83	86	58
	Traditional Religious Practices	77	61	38
	Religious Conversion	23	7	2
	Religious Professionals	16	20	7
	Theophany (religious figure such as Jesus)	48	70	36
	Hierophany (religious force such as holy spirit)	6	9	5
Contemplative Practice		60	72	51
	Meditation	11	15	4
	Mind–body Practices	4	9	2
	Prayer	52	66	48
	Rituals/Ceremonies	6	8	10
Natural World		29	5	19
	Nature	25	3	12
	Animals	8	3	10
Ancestors		32	18	33
	Ancestor Mentioned	22	12	19
	Ancestral Worship	0	1	3
	Ancestor Dream	15	8	17
Metaphysical Phenomena		75	64	69
	Extrasensory Perception	51	39	56
	Telepathy	5	2	6
	Clairvoyance	13	5	6
	Precognition	2	1	2
	Realistic Dreams	25	18	34
	Intuitive Impressions	27	21	32
	Psychokinesis	7	7	4
	Survival Hypothesis	30	21	22
	Near Death Experience	1	1	0
	Out of Body Experience	2	4	2
	Apparitional Experience	27	16	20
	Faith/Energy Healing	18	29	21
	Recovery/Remission of Illness	17	23	18
	Spiritual Practitioners	1	7	6

Note. Qualitative categories organized by broad themes and subthemes.

and Appendix A). Metaphysical categories were further parsed apart with reference to nomenclature established in the field of paranormal psychology (Irwin and Watt 2007), which provided parsimonious terminology and higher-order classification of data-driven categories. These include extrasensory perception (telepathy, clairvoyance, precognition, realistic dreams, and intuitive impressions), psychokinesis, survival hypothesis (near death experiences, out of body experiences, and apparitional experiences), and faith and energy healing (recovery/remission of illness, and spiritual practitioners). The faith and energy healing category combines “psychic healing” described by Irwin and Watt (2007), and Levin’s (2011) typologies of culturally and historically distinct groups of energy healers with unique cultural lineages. Chi-square analyses of the qualitative frequencies revealed all broad categories (contemplative practice, ancestors, and natural world) to be significantly different between countries (p = 0.001), with the metaphysical category being significantly different to a relatively lesser degree (p = 0.005).

6. Discussion

The aim of this study was to identify categories of lived spirituality in contemporary US, India, and China using qualitative analysis over free-response narratives. These three countries carry unique cultural and historical contexts which shape current religious practices, spiritual experiences, and language repertoire in describing spiritual life. Despite these differences, similarities emerged through the data-driven inductive analyses, and is strikingly seen in the concomitant categories. Metaphysical phenomena were actively reported across countries, despite varying rates of religious, non-religious, and atheistic identification across countries. The absence of the parameters of quantitative scales, which sometimes implicitly carry cultural specificity, may have played a role in revealing common facets of spirituality. As such, this qualitative study served to generate conceptual insight into the possibility of shared and specific spiritual experience across three diverse cultural groups.

6.1. Commonalities in Spiritual Life

Religion was commonly mentioned in China (58%), India (86%) and the US (83%), with emphasis on religious figures or “theophany” (e.g., Jesus and Buddha), although a substantial subset described religious forces or “heirophany” (e.g., the Holy Spirit or the Tao). Religious professionals were more frequently mentioned in India and the US relative to China, indicating that religious authorities may have a lesser degree of influence on spiritual life in China. Contemplative practice was also common in all three countries (51–72%), and frequently occurred in the form of prayer. Participants from India and the US were equally likely to report having a meditation practice, though mind–body practices such as yoga were more prominent in India, where the original practice of yoga was developed (Newcombe 2009). The natural world was reported in both China (19%) and the US (29%), while seldomly mentioned in India (5%). A surprising commonality among US and China participants was the role of ancestors in spiritual life. In both countries, around 32 percent of participants described ancestors as important mentors on their spiritual path, and as lively (albeit disembodied) spirits or forces after death. Additionally, in both countries, ancestors often appeared in dreams as omens portending death. Lastly, 64 to 75 percent of participants in each country described experiences of metaphysical phenomena. While the prevalence of subtypes varied by country, the transcendent non-material dimension to spiritual life was clearly active and readily reported across countries.

The broad convergence and pattern of response in descriptions of spiritual life suggests that, while spiritual expression is culturally molded, it is not culturally constrained. A study involving the quantitative data from this sample (McClintock et al. 2016) used factor analysis and confirmatory ESEM to identify five dimensions of spiritual experience which included (1) love, in relationships and as a sacred reality (2) interconnectedness with other beings, (3) altruism, (4) contemplative practice, and (5) religious and spiritual reflection. In our current study, the prevalent theme of ancestors and metaphysical phenomena provides support for the dimensions of love and interconnectedness. The literature on spirituality supports the notion that spirituality is an innate feature of the human experience (Kendler et al. 1997; Muller 2008; Newberg and Newberg 2008). Neuroscience offers evidence of biological correlates of spiritual experience (Newberg et al. 2003; Miller et al. 2014; Miller et al. 2019), which strengthens the case for an innate spirituality, with expression that is simply shaped by culture.

The Western emphasis on secular-materialism seems to have found its way into Eastern cultures (Ager and Ager 2011; Ger and Belk 1995; Podoshen et al. 2011), which is potentially an artifact of globalization. Religious faith traditions and non-secularism are increasingly seen as less “real” or valuable relative to a secular worldview, which emphasizes the supremacy of science and the material world. As such, the transcendent relationship with the world of spirit, adherence to a faith tradition, and experiences of metaphysical phenomena may be seen as less socially desirable than the secular materialist view for some participants. Several participants were apologetic for sounding “too religious.” Overall, the relative similarities in code frequency and categories may give support for underlying core features of spiritual life. Nuanced differences were identified and may shed light on the cultural forces shaping lived spirituality.

6.2. Differences in Spiritual Life

While religion appeared in the narratives from all three countries, religious conversion was more prevalent in the US (23%), relative to China (2%) and India (7%). Although there were relatively high reports of religion across countries, participants in India made more references to religious figures (70%) compared to the US (48%) and China (30%). Contemplative practice was reported by participants in all three countries (51–72%), but references to the experience of prayer occurred more often in India. While the natural world, which includes being in nature and with animals, was discussed by participants from both China (19%) and the US (29%); natural environments were much more readily described as a setting for spiritual transformation in the US. Mention of ancestors was common in China and the US; however, there were some key differences. In China ancestors were commonly associated with ancestral worship, which was not a common practice endorsed in the US. These rituals involved activities like grave sweeping, burning incense and paper money over an ancestor’s grave, and making food offerings to ancestors. Historically, ritual has been essential to the fabric of Chinese society (Aijmer 1968; Kern 2007; Ward 1979; Sutton 2007; Teiser 1986), with particular emphasis on the rites of death (Baker 1965; Brook 1989; Sutton 2007; Teiser 1986). The fact that Chinese culture has been steeped in ritual practices illustrates how culture might shape expressions of spirituality.

Manifestations of metaphysical phenomena varied with culturally specific symbols and contexts, and this may in part be explained by research on culture’s relationship to perception (Segall et al. 1968; Ji et al. 2000; Nisbett and Miyamoto 2005). Extrasensory perception was more commonly reported in the US (51%) and China (56%). Common types of extrasensory experiences reported in these two countries were realistic dreams (25% and 34%, respectively) and intuitive impressions (27% and 32%, respectively). Telepathy, clairvoyance, and precognition were reported with relative moderate frequency across countries. Clairvoyance was more highly reported in the US. US participants more frequently mention extrasensory experiences involving survival hypothesis (30%) (i.e., the notion that life continues after death). Specifically, this took the form of apparitional experiences (as opposed to near death or out of body experiences). Finally, faith or energy healing was more commonly reported in India (29%), with stories often involving miracles and recovery from illness.

6.3. Cultural and Historical Factors

In the US sample, descriptions of spiritual experience were often rooted in religious beliefs, specifically within Christian faith. Concurrently, participants often reported belief in religion and spirituality as two separate phenomena, with some responses highlighting agnosticism and belief in spirituality but not religion. There were also reports of religious beliefs outside of Christian faith (e.g., Buddhism, Judaism, Islam). Participants frequently reported feeling a sense of spiritual “oneness” through nature, prayer, and mind–body practice. Experiences with animals, both in the context of nature and domestic settings, were often accompanied by loss, increased empathy, and anthropomorphism. These findings suggest that spiritual attribution appears widespread in the US. In a national survey of the US, 76 percent agreed with the statement “I experience something more sacred in life than simply material existence” (Nickolas et al. 2009).

The US sample reported a relatively higher degree of spiritual exploration, as evidenced by reports of religious conversion. This included conversion out of a religion (primarily Christianity) and reports of converting to a new religion (e.g., Buddhism). The literature attributes the tendency for religious conversion in the US as a consequence of its materialist and individualistic society (Rambo 1999; Sherkat and Wilson 1995; Smith and Sikkink 2003). Sherkat and Wilson’s (1995) paradigm of religious mobility describes religion in the US as a “marketplace of freely choosing individuals” (p. 993). The findings of our study support this idea, with US participants frequently describing conversion or changes in religious preference, which often resulted in a departure from faith traditions endorsed by family origins. At times, participants go as far as to report disillusionment and disdain towards religious institutions. This was in contrast to the participants in China and India, where religious life and spiritual practices tended to be more collectivistic and family centered.

The India sample was somewhat more eclectic in terms of faith, spiritual tradition, and lived experience of spirituality. Responses from these participants seemed to suggest that the transcendent world of spirituality is very much “real” to these participants, and many were leaning on faith and spirituality in meaningful ways throughout various aspects of their lives. Additionally, there were frequent reports of mental illness and conditions of adversity in this sample, which subsequently became a doorway to spiritual experience. Relatedly, this sample reported a great deal of faith healing or energy healing. The common pathways to spirituality included typical avenues such as prayer, visiting temples or churches, and consulting with spiritual and religious professionals; however, the widespread use of fasting as a religious practice was relatively unique to this sample. Furthermore, it seemed that these participants relied heavily on prayer, not only in religious traditions or places of worship, but also throughout daily life, and both when things were going well and when faced with adversity.

Participants from India provided much lengthier and richer responses compared to participants from the US and China. This may be an artifact of the moderately higher level of education in the India sample. Research has shown education level to predict survey participation (Sax et al. 2003; Malhotra 2008). More participants in the India (40%) sample reported obtaining a graduate degree compared to the US (13%) and China (6%). The pattern of response from participants in the India sample may also reflect the legacy of colonialism. During British rule, religious practices and traditions were publicly discouraged and subject to criticism (Bellenoit 2007; Dirks 1997; Roy 2006; Thapar 1989). Those who engaged in extreme religious practices were cast by the British Media as victims, and the practices themselves were described as “revolting” (Dirks 1997, p. 219). Perhaps this may partially explain why participants from India tended to apologetically couch their narratives with statements such as “this may be too religious.” Lastly, colonialism led to the proliferation of Christian missionary expeditions to India (Bellenoit 2007; Miller and Stanczak 2009; Roy 2006), which brought the language and symbolism of Christian faith into civil discourse. The high prevalence of Christian-based prayer may be rooted in this legacy.

In the China sample, there were frequent reports of stress related to university entrance exams. This important milestone task (Davey et al. 2007; Ross and Wang 2010; Yu and Suen 2005) was mentioned in many of the participants accounts of realistic dreams and intuitive impressions (e.g., an inkling, without rational logical thought processes, often accompanied with imagery, that was subsequently borne out). Other realistic dreams involved ancestors. Ancestor visitation was related to the phenomenon of “spirit possession,” and a great deal of the faith/energy healing stories were associated with prayer or ritual. The most common profile of this phenomenon includes “possession” by an ancestor, where someone would then become physically ill. Subsequent ritual with spiritual or religious practitioners (e.g., monks, fortune tellers, and psychics), prayer directed towards traditional religious figures (e.g., Kwan Yin), and burning of symbolic items such as paper money over the ancestor’s grave, were attributed to curing the participant of the persistent physical ailment. Oftentimes, the spiritual practitioners were relatives. Lastly, when animals were mentioned, they were perceived to be harbingers of death.

These findings regarding ancestor dreams and intuitive impressions suggest that, in China, access to the transcendent realm often begins with a journey inward. In fact, China can be said to have a “dream culture,” and there exists an extensive literature on dream interpretation dating far back into China’s ancient past (Li 1999; Ong 1985; Raphals 2014; Thompson 1988). This legacy suggests that the content of dreams has become a culturally accepted and relied upon source of information. Chinese participants appeared more attuned to the content of their dreams, often recalling dreams in vivid detail, processing their dreams with important others in order to connect with and honor ancestors, or attributing dream experiences to waking-life concerns, fortune, and future events. Perhaps placing awareness on this state of consciousness, between dreaming and waking, may explain how these dream-based seemingly supernatural experiences sustain themselves (Luhrmann 2014; Davidson 1976; Thaibourne and Delin 1999; Walsh 1989).

Despite describing many avenues to spirituality in personal and home life, a majority of the Chinese sample rated spirituality as not important at all or moderately important in their lives. Political forces in China may influence religious affiliation and attendance. In recent history, China has witnessed periods where religious freedoms were curtailed and religious practices were discouraged (Grim and Finke 2007; Potter 2003; Reinsten 2004). This history may have shaped the contemporary fabric of China’s spiritual world and language. Despite having culturally-based ancestral practices and emphasis on the reality of dreams and intuition, very few participants in this sample commented on experiences with religious professionals (7%), and nearly half of the sample described themselves as atheist. The latter was surprising given that “non-religious” and “other” were also available answer choices in the demographics portion of the questionnaire (see Table 1). These findings corroborate past research that has found a majority of the Chinese population to be non-religious (Cao 2012; Grim and Finke 2007; Hsieh 1986; Rottman et al. 2017).

6.4. Theory of Religion and Culture

A prominent thought in traditional theory is that religion and spirituality are fundamentally experiential. Theologian Friedrich Schleiermacher describes the true heart of religion as experience and feeling (Gerrish 2001; Niebuhr 1964). Rudolph Otto also writes of numinous encounters (i.e., involving the presence of something sacred or divine) as being central to religion (Otto [1917] 1958). William James, a Harvard University psychologist and philosopher, states in his book The Varieties of Religious Experience “if religion be a function by which either God’s cause or man’s cause is to be really advanced, then he who lives the life of it, however narrowly, is a better servant than he who merely knows about it, however much” (James [1902] 1977, p. 761). James suggests that mystical experiences drive all other outward vestiges of religion (Bixler 1926). The findings from our study support this idea, given that the experience of metaphysical phenomena was the greatest commonality among participants across countries. Although participants from China reported low importance of religion and spirituality, frequency of metaphysical phenomena was comparable to that reported in India and the US.

Sociological interpretations of religion have suggested that religion and spirituality are fundamentally social phenomena. Prominent among these interpretations is that of French sociologist, Emile Durkheim, who believed that the underpinnings of both religious and spiritual life were the distinctions made between the sacred and profane (Alexander 1990; Paden 1991; Worsley 1956). He describes this distinction as a pathway to the adoption of symbols called totems (such as animals or forces of nature), which communities would worship and regard as sacred (McKinnon 2014; Rol 2012; Worsley 1956). Modern sociologists have also identified the enormous power of symbols in facilitating meaning-making, and described how symbols play an essential role in human communication, a process referred to as symbolic interactionism (Reynolds and Herman 1994). In all three countries, there were mentions of animals and nature, with particularly frequent reports from participants in China and the US. Social Interactionist Theory also places value in the context or circumstances around the adoption of symbols and their exchange among a culture (Blumer 1986). In India, reports of heirophany (religious figures) were more prevalent, and this may suggest that in India totems are linked to mythology from sacred texts (Kandari et al. 2014; Loh 2014; Prabhavananda 2019) rather than animals or forces of nature. In India, there exists a long history of worship towards regionally-specific deities (Hornell 1944; Kent 2013; Preston 2002).

Durkheim’s sacred–profane dichotomy also suggests that through social designation of certain things as sacred, ordinary, or profane, the collective symbols and totems of a society give rise to religion. Rituals and other religious practices are a means through which to overcome this dichotomy, which transforms spiritual life into a process or activity. In contemporary sociological perspectives of religion, this is often referred to as lived religion (i.e., spiritual practice and experience in daily life; Edgell 2012). Hall (1997) illustrates this idea, stating “workplaces, homes, and streets—as well as churches, temples, shrines, class meetings … are the places where humans make something out of the worlds they have found themselves thrown into, and, in turn, it is through these subtle, intimate, quotidian actions on the world that meanings are made, known, and verified” (p. 7). In China, spirituality takes on this quality by mention of ancestors, realistic dreams, and intuitive impressions, all of which are pathways to spirituality that are accessible in everyday life, routine, and close community. While India, like the US, had more mentions of engaging in religious traditions than China (see Table 2), rituals and spiritual importance tended to be infused into daily life in India.

Lived religion was not as prominent in US spiritual narratives, and nearly half of the US sample rated spirituality as not important at all while the remainder of the sample rated it as only slightly or moderately important. Perhaps this lack of endorsement of spirituality in the US reflects the impact of cultural movements which have splintered the religious scene into a dialectic. Roof and McKinney (1987) point to the counterculture of the 1960s and a rise in evangelical activities in the 1970s as two forces which are responsible for a “religious scene in flux” (p. 3) in the United States. The US participants also more highly endorsed religious conversion relative to China and India (see Table 2), which may reflect the materialistic culture of America. In his book Spiritual Marketplace, Roof (2001) states, “moral and religious coherence remains more an ideal than a practical reality” (p. 294). In contrast to a “spiritual marketplace,” in China, only state-run religions are tolerated while non-state religious observance is persecuted (Beckford and Richardson 2007). This has led to criticism of religious practices (Cao 2012; Grim and Finke 2007; Hsieh 1986; Rottman et al. 2017; Reinsten 2004). This may explain why close to 80% of the China sample reported spirituality as being not important at all or moderately important. Beckford and Richardson (2007) assert, “… religion is subject to self-regulation as well as to regulation by external agencies. It is also resistant to some attempts to regulate it; and, in turn, it seeks to regulate aspects of social life in accordance with its own values” (p. 414). This aligns with the narratives of Chinese participants who did not endorse spirituality as important, yet provided multiple examples of “lived religion.”

Finally, anthropological theories have suggested that the driving force behind religion and spirituality is culture. Anthropologist Clifford Geertz (1993) offers a theory of religion which describes religion as a language or map providing guidance on both what is (reality) and how to act (morality). Geertz believed that members come to adopt religion as true through five pathways: tradition, personal experience, charismatic leaders, readings of holy text, and ritual (Geertz 1993; Segal 2012). Overall, in this sample, personal experience seemed to be the primary pathway through which participants encounter religion and spirituality. In the US and India, religious traditions were also viable pathways. Prevalent reports of religious figures by the India sample suggests that charismatic leaders may be a particularly common route to religious and spiritual life in this country. Reading of holy texts was most likely to occur in the US and China, suggesting that reading is another pathway. One participant from China stated “when I read Buddhist Classics, I almost burst into tears.” Lastly, mentions of ritual were moderately reported in all three countries, most often taking the form of making offerings or burning incense. The exception being China, where rituals around ancestral worship were relatively more frequently reported. For the China sample, ancestrally-based ritual may be one of the primary pathways through which religious and spiritual life is accessed.

7. Limitations

Several limitations of the current study are largely related to the online method of data collection, which is susceptible to having participants rush through tasks, fail to pay attention, or take the survey multiple times with different usernames (Johnson and Borden 2012). In this study, the online method of data collection gave rise to various demographic differences. The India sample was of a relatively higher socio-economic status than the China and US samples. The China sample was slightly younger in age than the India and US sample. Another limitation in the methodology was the indication in the survey itself that the researchers were from a Western institution, which could have shaped participants’ responses. Additionally, one of the qualitative questions prompted for common spiritual events, which risked over-representation of these themes in the data. The self-report questionnaire may have influenced the sort of information that was captured, and crucial information may have been lost or re-shaped to fit the nature of the prompts. The India survey was delivered in English rather than Hindi, and it is unclear whether the pattern of responses may have been impacted by this choice. Lastly, the online nature of this study could not capture the spiritual life of indigenous groups which populate all three countries.

Another consideration of this study centers around participants’ access and awareness of religious and spiritual traditions. Religious and spiritual engagement and discussion may become increasingly marginalized as the secular-materialist perspective becomes more prominent with globalization (Ager and Ager 2011). Given that this study was delivered online, the anonymity of this process may have encouraged participants to be open about their beliefs and experiences. Nevertheless, the impact of the secular-materialist worldview may also have discouraged participants from being completely forthcoming. This is supported by the fact that participants in the US wrote relatively shorter responses to the qualitative questions, while participants in India, where culture and spirituality are relatively more readily intertwined, provided responses which were relatively more comprehensive.

8. Future Directions

The findings of the current study provide a conceptual framework for a body of emerging research around universal spirituality. The qualitative narratives also provide rich examples of the ways in which culture shapes the expression of spiritual life. Further research is certainly needed to clarify nuanced thematic and meaning-based categories of spiritual life, using methods and assessments that contextualize findings from a culturally humble lens. In particular, there is a need for quantitative approaches to capture broad dimensions of spiritual life in samples that allow for generalization to populations, as well as qualitative and mixed-methods approaches to help bypass scale-related biases and limitations (e.g., using predominantly Western tools in non-Western cultural contexts). The results of this study provide a rationale for developing better measures to assess the underpinnings of spiritual life, a phenomenon which may have cross-culturally innate components and processes, along with qualitatively unique and divergent manifestations. Additionally, future research might employ thematic analysis to deepen interpretations of the transformative aspects of spiritual and peak experiences. Finally, additional exploration into spirituality and its cultural expressions must begin to account for the spiritual lives and narratives of less industrialized and rural communities, which likely hold unique traditions, voices, and legacies.