The Confucian Moral Community of the Clan Association in the Chinese Diaspora: A Case Study of the Lung Kong Tin Yee Association

Abstract

Using the Lung Kong Association as a case study, this article explores the cultural and socio-religious significance of the clan association in overseas Chinese societies. It argues that the Chinese diaspora has continually endeavored to utilize Confucian resources, via the clan association, to construct a “moral community” for the facilitation of their internal solidarity and external identity.

1. Introduction

The clan association plays a quintessential role in fostering communal solidarity in overseas Chinese communities. Based on historical, ethnographical, and video-textual analysis, this article sets out to explore the cultural and socio-religious mechanism of the clan association with regard to the construction of a “Confucian moral community” in the Chinese diaspora. The empirical studies of this work consist of two parts, the first being my field trips to four clan associations located in three different countries in the world: See He Kiong 西河宮 (Lin Clan Temple) and Wei Hui Gong 威惠宮 (Chen Clan Temple)1 in Semarang, Indonesia, on 21 November 2011; Lung Kong Tin Yee Association, Longgang Qinyi Gongsuo 龍岡親義公所, in San Francisco, the United States, on 9 March 2018; and Tongsheng Huiguan 同陞會館 (Sociedad Tong Shing/Tong Shing Society) in Lima, Peru, on 8 August 2018.

The second part of my empirical studies is based on my analysis of a series of video documents published on YouTube.com, with the title “The 22nd Pan American Lung Kong Tin Yee Association Convention, Meizhou Longgang Qinyi Zonggongsuo Di 22 Jie Daibiao Dahui 美洲龍岡親義總公所第22屆代表大會”.2 While my field trips to the above-mentioned four clan associations focus on an ethnographical observation and examination of the spaces, symbols, and discourses, my video-textual analysis of the video documents is intended for a close investigation of the rituals and ritualization during the 22nd fraternity convention of the Lung Kong Association, held from 22 September to 25, 2019, in Toronto, Canada.

Through the empirical studies of the four clan associations, I arrive at the discovery that their spaces, symbols, rituals, and discourses are carefully rendered with such a functionality that eventually gives rise to an unmistakable touch of sacredness and a poignant sense of communal solidarity. Durkheim (1995, p. 44) defined religion as “a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden—beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them”. Drawing on this Durkheimian sense of religion, we can say that clan associations as “Confucian moral communities” have achieved not only historical and cultural but also existential and religious significance in the Chinese diaspora. In other words, the clan association has proceeded to furnish a religious quality that provides meaning and identity to the Chinese immigrants who live outside their cultural domain per se.

2. History and Function of the Clan Association in the Chinese Diaspora

Chinese schools, newspapers, and voluntary associations have long been regarded as the “three pillars” of overseas Chinese communities (Liu 1998). Most Chinese immigrants are traditionally aggregated around various associations, among which the huiguan 會館 (meeting hall or assembly hall) is arguably the most common form. The original huiguan emerged as a kind of guildhall established by fellow countrymen organizations, tongxiang hui 同鄉會, in different areas of China during the Ming (1368–1644) and the Qing (1644–1911) dynasties. The huiguan were places where merchants and officials from the same locale or the same dialect groups could obtain food, shelter, and assistance while away from home. In the national and provincial capitals, the huiguan were often used by young scholars as lodging places as they were preparing for the civil service examination necessary for admission to the Confucian officialdom. Overall, the huiguan system was instrumental in building a sense of solidarity among the members of a certain region or a dialect group and played an important role in trade and commerce throughout the Ming and the Qing dynasties (He 1966; Wang 2002).

Since the mid-19th century, waves of Chinese immigrants, mostly from the provinces of Guangdong and Fujian, fled their troubled native land and tried to find a better future in distant corners of the world. Migrating along with them were the huiguan, which, as replicates of their parental organizations in China, were formed on the basis of kinship, clan, dialect, home village, territory, or occupation, and which were usually referred to as clan associations.3 In general, there are two types of clan associations: the first is based on a common surname, descent line, or ancestry, which can be called kinship-based clan association, zongqin hui 宗親會; and the second is based on a common native district or common dialect, which can be called locality-based clan association, tongxiang hui (Li 2014); but the two types of clan associations are not diametrically demarcated, sometimes they crisscross each other and even form combined clan associations.

The most important huiguan is probably the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, Zhonghua Huiguan 中華會館, which is present in almost every overseas Chinese community, while Peru’s Sociedad Central de Beneficencia China (Chinese Charitable Society), Zhonghua Tonghui Zongju 中華通惠總局, is just another name for the same organization (Lausent-Herrera 2000, p. 31). Zhonghua Huiguan is not confined to a single function and is usually poised as a head organization transcending and coordinating all other Chinese associations of the locality. In territories where there is no diplomatic presence of China, Zhonghua Huiguan functions more like a political or semi-political umbrella organization aiming at providing protection and service to all Chinese living in the region.4 In this sense, Zhonghua Huiguan, though still with the name huiguan, is much more like a self-governing and para-political entity instead of a clan association.

In 1986, the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations (SFCCA), Xinjiapo Zhonghua Zongxiang Huiguan Lianhezonghui 新加坡中華宗鄉會館聯合總會, was set up with the support of the government and seven major clan associations in the country (Chan 2003, p. 76). Nowadays, the SFCCA functions as the highest coordinating body of around 200 clan associations, the objectives of which are to: promote Chinese culture and language; organize or finance Chinese educational, cultural, social and other activities; and assist and finance the various Chinese clan associations in Singapore in promoting and implementing these activities.5 With the agenda of promoting “Asian values” since the 1980s, the Singapore government has continually awarded political patronage to clan associations, a typical example of which is that Lee Hsien Loong, the current Prime Minister of Singapore, personally serves as the patron of the SFCCA.

In their book titled Voluntary Organizations in the Chinese Diaspora, Khun Eng Kuah-Pearce and Hu-Dehart (2006) divided overseas Chinese organizations into two general categories: traditional voluntary associations, or huiguan, which are predominant in early Chinese communities consisting of immigrants mostly from Guangdong and Fujian provinces, and new forms of voluntary associations, which are often referred to as shetuan 社團 and are present in communities of new immigrants from all over China. There is a fundamental difference between huiguan and shetuan: while the former tends to assume a holistic nature because it has traditionally functioned as an all-out caretaker of its membership community, the latter is more business-like and more specific in defining its purposes. In other words, huiguan appears to be more like an autonomous governing entity, whereas shetuan is more like a guild, an association of professionals, or a single-purposed association for political, cultural, or educational causes.

Historically, overseas Chinese communities were miniatures of their mother society in China, and the huiguan were brought along by the immigrants to their host societies. Because the composition of each given community was not evenly distributed along the district, region, or dialect lines, the traditional huiguan as native-region-based or dialect-based fellow countrymen organization (tongxiang hui) was gradually transformed into clan-based association or clan-and-locality-based association emphasizing kinship solidarity. For example, 85% of the early immigrants in the Philippines were from Fujian Province, mostly from the three counties, Jinjiang, Nan’an, and Hui’an (Tan and Shen 1998, p. 87). As a result, the huiguan system for the immigrants of the three counties shifted its original focus on region or prefecture to hometown or even home village, eventually giving rise to the consolidation of clan or kinship bondage (Shi 1976).

In addition to providing mutual help and protection to its members from the wider society, the huiguan plays a key role by building group solidarity and furnishing them with a social medium so that they can connect with fellow Chinese people with the same surname or from the same hometown and who speak the same dialect. These clan associations organize numerous social and religious activities that enable disparate communities in the diaspora to reconnect with each other, while simultaneously facilitating their spiritual journey back to their cultural roots and hometowns (Kuah-Pearce and Hu-Dehart 2006, p. 11).

A historical survey of the clan association would readily reveal its deep-entrenched Confucian roots. In fact, the clan system was reinstituted by none other than the Neo-Confucianists during the Song dynasty (960–1279) after the earlier aristocratic clans declined toward the end of the Tang dynasty (618–907). It was initially employed as a means of promoting self-cultivation, rectifying social customs, and stabilizing society. Many of the Neo-Confucian philosophers, such as Fang Zhongyan 範仲淹 (989–1052), Zhang Zai 張載 (1020–1077), and Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), had articulated the socio-political and moral-cultural significance of the clan system. Throughout the long history of imperial China, clan rules and family instructions derived mainly from Confucian teachings and steadfastly adhered to Confucian values (Wang Liu 1959, pp. 64–66).

After the establishment of the Republic in 1912 and with the abolishment of Confucianism as state ideology, many clans experienced fundamental changes while facing the challenge of modernization, but some others still abided by the old models. With the creation of the People’s Republic in 1949, clans were virtually eliminated upon the advance of socialism and were only partially restored after 1978 when China once again opened up to the outside world. In the meantime, clan associations in Southeast Asia have generally suffered fewer interruptions except for several places such as Indonesia when it was under Suharto’s regime. In general, these clan associations focus more on the perpetuation of descent lines, the promotion of clan solidarity, and the inculcation of Confucian values which in turn uphold the idea of kinship. The key Confucian values perpetuated by the clan association include but are not limited to filial piety, loyalty, virtue, harmony, reverence for the old, and exaltation of educational achievement (Yen 1981, p. 75).

The clan association confines its membership to clansmen coming from the same village or district in China; kinship relations among the members are clearly defined, and traditional obligations to kinsmen and religious rituals for the ancestors are more strictly observed. The social mechanism of the clan association is to facilitate group cohesion, maintain age and generation hierarchy, define and protect common property, promote group prestige, and secure the perpetuation of generation line. Yen (1981, pp. 76–86) listed five major functions of the clan association: hold ancestral worship and worship of protector gods; observe traditional festivities; help destitute clan members; arbitrate internal and external disputes; and certify marriage.

It needs to be borne in mind that, although overseas clan associations are structured on the model of huiguan in traditional Chinese society, not all of them have adopted the name huiguan. For example, the clan associations in Singapore have utilized a wide range of names for their denomination, including huiguan (meeting hall), such as Chan Si Wui Kun/Chenshi Huiguan; zongci 宗祠 (ancestral temple), such as Hanshi Zongci; gongsuo 公所 (public place), such as Song Dai Gongsuo; or tang 堂 (hall), such as Teochew Kanghay Tng/Chaozhou Jiangxia Tang. Several other names are also used to refer to the clan association, though less frequently, such as hui 會 (association), she 社 (society), guan 館 (residence), gonghui 公會 (public association), zonghui 總會 (general association), tongxiang hui 同鄉會 (fellow countrymen association), lianyi hui 聯誼會 (fraternity association), etc.

The basic structure of the clan association centering on the descent line was adopted in principle in overseas Chinese communities. However, genealogy as one of the pillars that historically upheld the clan system (along with clan organization and clan head) was not easily reconstructed since most of the early immigrants were single and illiterate men. In many cases, a common ancestry was invented for those who shared the same surname, regardless of their origin and lineage. In other cases, several different surnames, due to historical connections or even invented brotherhood, could also bind together to form joint clan associations. Lung Kong Tin Yee Association is a typical example of such multi-surname clan associations and will be discussed in detail in the last section.

3. The Clan Association as a Sacred Space and Its Symbolic Meaning

My field trips to the four clan associations were made during a period of eight years and across three different countries: See He Kiong (Lin Clan Temple) and Wei Hui Gong (Chen Clan Temple) in Semarang, Indonesia; Lung Kong Tin Yee Association in San Francisco, the United States; and Tongsheng Huiguan (Sociedad Tong Shing/Tong Shing Society) in Lima, Peru. My ethnography focuses on examining how the spaces, symbols, rituals, and discourses of the four clan associations have co-orchestrated to produce a sense of sacredness and communal solidarity for the local Chinese communities. It should be pointed out that although the four clan associations can be lumped into the same category, they differ from each other in some fundamental ways. Simply put, while See He Kiong and Wei Hui Gong are kinship-based clan associations and serve as ancestral temples at the same time, Tongsheng Huiguan, also called Hakka Huiguan,6 is clearly a locality/dialect-based clan association which, curiously, houses a Guangong temple. On the other hand, Lung Kong Tin Yee Association, though kinship-based, is a multi-surname clan association and does not coincide with the other three in terms of space arrangement, symbolism, architecture, and so on.7

The compound of See He Kiong (Xihe Palace) and Wei Hui Gong (Wei Hui Palace), located in the Chinatown area of Semarang, consists of two architectural groups, the front one being the Lin clan temple and the back one, the Chen clan temple. The Lin clan in Semarang originally came from Fujian Province but traced their ancestry to the See He region (in Henan Province), hence the name of the temple. See He Kiong welcomes visitors with a pair of stone lions guarding its front gate. A big wooden plaque with the characters Xi He Gong (See He Kiong) is placed high above on the lintel. An elegantly carved couplet on the front pillar reads: “Up to the king and down to the masses, all is blessed with the motherly compassion; Under the heaven and above the earth, everyone is graced with the holy virtue”. Right in the front space of the main hall is an incense burner, which is dedicated to the Heavenly Holy Mother, or Mazu 媽祖—the sea goddess for overseas Chinese people. On the ceiling of the main hall, there are two more plaques: “Waves of grace extend within the seas”, and “All is blessed in the maritime territory”, both of which were dated the year 1881. In addition to Mazu the sea goddess, there are several other deities housed in the temple, including the Earth God, the Fertility Goddess, among others. On the back of the main hall, there is another hall called Yong Mu Tang 雍睦堂 (Hall of Familial Solidarity), where several dozens of the tablets of the Lin ancestors are placed. A plaque bearing the name Yong Mu Tang is placed high above on the lintel, and a smaller plaque reading “Prosperity of See He” is situated further behind the name plaque.

The Chen clan temple, or Wei Hui Gong (Palace of Awe and Grace), is annexed to the Lin clan temple, occupying the posterior part of the compound. A giant plaque is hung on the lintel of the main hall, reading “The Explorer of Zhangzhou extends grace to his descendants”. There are three more plaques in the following halls, with similar phrases and meanings. The Chen clan traced its origin to Kai Zhang Sheng Wang 開漳聖王 (Sage King of Developing Zhangzhou), a general called Chen Yuanguang from the Tang dynasty, who allegedly brought civilization to the Zhangzhou region of Fujian Province and was thus venerated as the common ancestor by many people from Fujian Province with the last name Chen (Jiang 1985, p. 75). Another two giant plaques are hung on the side walls of the main hall, reading “Committed to self-cultivation and family harmony”, and “Harnessing loyalty and filial piety”. Further into the complex is another hall which bears the other name of the temple, Chenshi Jiamiao 陳氏家廟 (Chen Clan Temple). A few square tables are laid out in this hall, surrounded by two rows of mahogany chairs. This hall seems to be the place where ancestral worship of the Chen clan has been practiced because, like in the Lin Clan Temple, dozens of ancestral tablets are neatly placed on a sacrificial table. A number of other plaques on display unequivocally indicate that this Chen clan achieved tremendous prosperity and socio-political status in a period of several generations. Some of the most prominent plaques include: “Lieutenant of 1809”, “Lieutenants: Father, Sons, Brothers”, “Presented Martial Scholar”, “Lieutenant for Four Generations, 1869”, “Mayors: Father and Son”, “Kapitein for Three Generations”, and “Mayor of 1829”.8

Compared with See He Kiong and Wei Hui Gong, which are primarily poised as ancestral temples and whose architectures demonstrate sophistication and extravagance, Tongsheng Huiguan rather presents a simplistic but syncretic atmosphere. It was founded in 1891 in the Chinatown (Barrio Chino) of Lima by the early Hakka immigrants, and today it is under the auspices of the Sociedad Central de Beneficencia China (Chinese Charitable Society). Like many other clan associations, the original purpose of Tongsheng Huiguan was to create communal solidarity among the Hakka immigrants and promote mutual assistance by sponsoring charitable activities.9

Tongshen Huiguan is well hidden in a narrow alley of the Chinatown area of Lima, and its outlook is rather obsolete and shabby. The building is located on the second floor of a compound surrounded by mostly two-floor houses from all directions. The front wall of the building is painted with bright yellow color, and above the main gate is hung a red plaque with its name carved in giant Chinese characters: Tongshen Huiguan. A couplet carved on red plaques is located on the two sides of the gate: “Crossing oceans and climbing mountains; Venerating and loving my hometown”. On the lintel of the main hall, there is another giant plaque carved with the Chinese characters: “Grace extends to the Globe”. The inner part of the main hall houses a giant statue of Guangong, with a red banner hung above embroidered with the characters: Guan Sheng Di 關聖帝 (Holy Emperor Guangong). Another couplet is carved on the two pillars that flank the statue: “In sworn brotherhood with different surnames, by expeditions to the south and to the north, demonstrating a strong heart; A spirit of righteousness for thousands of years, serving the country and pacifying the people, how outstanding is the virtue”.

To the Chinese community in Lima as a whole, Tongsheng Huiguan also serves as the Guangong Temple where the people of all walks of life, not just the Hakka community, come to offer prayers and sacrifices. On 7 August 2016, a parade of the Guangong statue was held in the Chinatown area of Lima to celebrate the birthday of the deity.10 In addition to the statue of Guangong, a statue of the North God, one of the high-ranking deities in popular Daoism, is also housed in the temple. A framed portrait of Confucius is placed on the side wall, with four Chinese characters: “His virtue matches the heaven and earth”. In the meantime, the statues of Guanyin and Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva (Dizang Pusa) can also be found in the main hall. One cannot fail to realize that the juxtaposition of images from native traditions—Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism, and popular religion—unequivocally suggests the religious touch of Tongsheng Huiguan and the synthetic nature of its message. Further down the wall, a framed black and white photo is dated 3 September 1972, and subtitled: “Tongsheng Huiguan heartedly welcomes the ambassador Mr. Jiao Ruoyu”, indicating the political connection of the association.

More interestingly, two pieces of calligraphy are also hung on the side wall of the main hall, one of which is signed with the name Zeng Guofan 曾國藩 (1811–1872), who was conventionally regarded as one of the four most important ministers of the late years of the Qing Dynasty. His teachings, especially those excerpts from his personal letters, are saturated with Confucian values and notions and are particularly famous and influential among the young people since the 1990s along with the “national learning” fever. The phrases in the first calligraphy are as follows: “Diligence, sincerity, public spirit, and integrity, these are our fundamental principles in dealing with daily affairs, and we shall not forget them even for just a moment”. The second piece of calligraphy is signed with the name Tao Jue, one of the early female educators during the republic period of modern China: “Perseverance and consistency, these key words are fundamental in doing things. Don’t give up amid difficulties; Don’t cause unnecessary troubles; Don’t do anything that would incite blame. If we can adhere to these principles, there is no reason to fear that we won’t achieve our goals”.11

From the above observations and examinations of See He Kiong, Wei Hui Gong, and Tongsheng Huiguan, we come to the conclusion that the three clan associations are carefully rendered with special spaces, symbols, and discourses which in turn lead to profound meanings and implications. All three places are packed with plaques, couplets, and religious icons and images. Moreover, See He Kiong and Wei Hui Gong, which also serve as ancestral temples, are presented with a flamboyant display of ancestral tablets. In anthropological terms, symbols are depositories of cultural ideas and indicators of meanings. Turner declared that the symbol “is the smallest unit of ritual which still retains the specific properties of ritual behavior; it is the ultimate unit of specific structure in a ritual context” (Turner 1967, p. 19). In other words, the symbol is not an object just for display; rather, it is an integral part of a ritual which incites behavior and action and which effects existence.

Western religions, especially Protestantism, have tended to privilege words and ideas (beliefs) over behavior, and the words and ideas are usually expressed in texts (Eller 2007, p. 109). Interestingly, the three above-mentioned clan associations have also manifested a general preference for discourses (the case of Lung Kong Association, which heavily relies on rituals and discourses, will be discussed in the next section). Most of the plaques and couplets are carved with phrases in Chinese characters (discourses) that either applaud the dissemination of Chinese civilization, promote Confucian values and teachings, or stress the tie of the immigrant community with the parental society back in China. In the case of Tongsheng Huiguan and Lung Kong Association where a common ancestry is difficult to be reconstructed, discourses, instead of ancestral tablets, are more often utilized to articulate its Confucian inclination.

Eller (2007, p. 66) rightly stated that in religious traditions, the location is instrumental for belief and worship because such a place is not a random one but “a space where something is or where something happened”. In the Catholic tradition, cathedrals without precedent historical consecration were often provided with a sacred object to “plant” sacredness there. Likewise, the tombs of saints are usually regarded as sacred sites in the Islamic tradition, while the Sarira of Buddhist masters is highly esteemed and often housed in a stupa or pagoda. In the case of the three clan associations, the “sacredness” is jointly highlighted by the installation of plaques, couplets, and ancestral tablets that were either awarded by high officials, signed by prestigious figures, or of a long lineage. Moreover, the fact that clan associations often simultaneously serve as temples (See He Kiong and Wei Hui Gong as ancestral temples, and Tongsheng Huiguan as a Guangong temple) naturally gives rise to a sense of religious solemnity that in turn reinforces its sacredness.

4. The Confucian Moral Community of the Lung Kong Association: A Case Study

The Lung Kong Tin Yee Association is a multi-surname clan association founded during the late 19th and early 20th centuries to foster the solidarity of four families: Liu 劉, Guan 關, Zhang 張, and Zhao 趙, whose alliance is symbolically traced to the sworn brotherhood of Liu Bei 劉備 (161–223), Guan Yu 關羽 (160–220), Zhang Fei 張飛 (?–221), and Zhao Yun 趙雲 (?–229)12 in the Romance of the Three Kingdoms, a popular historical novel originating in the early Ming dynasty, whose stories date back to the Later Han (25–220 AD) and the Three Kingdoms periods (220–280 AD).

The first alliance of the four clans of the Lung Kong Association13 was formed in Singapore in 1866, named the Liu Kuan Chang Chao Four Surname Association, or Lau Kwan Cheong Chew Ku Seng Wui Kun 劉關張趙古城會館 (Yen 1981, p. 66). It was followed in 1876 by the creation of the Lung Kong Ancient Temple, or Longgang Gumiao 龍岡古廟, in the Chinatown of San Francisco, the United States. Both associations trace their ancestry to the ancient temple built in 1662 by the members of the four clans in the village of Lung Kong (Longgang), Shuikou County, Guangdong Province, with the intentions of solidarity, worship, and empowerment. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, many replicates were created in Chinese immigration communities throughout the world, all on the model of the Lung Kong Ancient Temple in San Francisco.

In 1948, Pan American Lung Kong Yin Yee Association, or Meizhou Longgang Qinyi Gongsuo 美洲龍岡親義公所, was created in New York, with the goal of consolidating the relationship among the Lung Kong chapters in the American continent.14 In 1960, the Lung Kong World Federation, or Shijie Longgang Qinyi Zonghui 世界龍岡親義總會, was established, with the newly created Hong Kong Lung Kong Tin Yee Association serving as its headquarters. Eight years later, in 1968, the Lung Kong World Federation headquarters moved to Taipei, Taiwan, to this day. Currently, the Federation claims to have about 150 associations worldwide and members by the millions, although the associations operate independently from each other. Under the auspices of the Pan American Lung Kong Association, there are about 15 associations in the USA and Canada, and three in Latin America—one each in Mexico, Peru, and Cuba.

Nevertheless, most of the Lung Kong associations concentrate in Southeast Asia, especially in Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia where large populations of Chinese reside. For example, the Lung Kong Association of Malaysia (Persekutuan Lung Kong Malaysia) consists of a number of associations from the above-mentioned four surnames, including the Liu Guan Zhang Zhao Ancient City Association of Perak, the Qinghe Hall of the Zhang Clan in Penang, the Zhang Clan Association of Selangor, among others. On the other hand, due to the harsh rule of Suharto (r. 1967–1998), Chinese in Indonesia were prohibited from learning their language, publishing Chinese newspapers, and forming associations during the last decades of the 20th century. The Lung Kong Association of Indonesia was not created until 2014 when Indonesia was largely democratized, with its membership consisting of associations from the four clans Liu, Guan, Zhang, and Zhao. So far, the Lung Kong Association of Indonesia has organized traditional festival celebrations, charity activities, and fraternity conventions (Meiri Toutiao 2019).

The story of the Lung Kong Association is vividly reminiscent of Chinese immigration history that was mainly taking place during the late 19th and the early 20th centuries throughout the world. In the USA, the lot of the Lung Kong Association, like many other Chinese groups, was inextricably intertwined with the Gold Rush and the construction of the transcontinental railroad in California from the mid-19th century onward. Due to social hostilities and discrimination, most Chinese immigrants were forced to stay in the San Francisco Chinatown area, and many different immigrant groups started to formulate voluntary associations based on their surname, dialect, region of origin, profession, etc.

The creation of the Lung Kong Association was just one exemplary case of the panorama and its initial aims were, like those of many other immigration associations, to help fellow members, assist newcomers to settle in the new country, and promote Chinese culture in the mainstream society. However, as primarily a clan association, the Lung Kong Association has also manifested wide differences from other non-clan associations by its unequivocal orientation to an articulated sense of “moral community” that is enhanced by both its kinship solidarity and its adherence to a set of Confucian values in the form of ancestral teachings.

Throughout its history of more than one hundred years, the “moral community” of the Lung Kong has been repetitively constructed and reinforced by pivoting on the sharing of a common memory uniting the ancestors of the four clans: the Brotherhood Sworn at the Peach Garden, taoyuan jieyi 桃園結義. While the historicity and the details of the legend might be of endless debate for scholars, the commemorating and enacting of the event by the descendants of the four clans have served to create a strong sense of communal solidarity. In the Brotherhood narratives, Liu Bei, Guan Yu, Zhang Fei, and Zhao Yun become brothers not because they have the same bloodline but because they share common values such as righteousness, loyalty, benevolence, wisdom, courage, and the deep zeal to serve the country.

The “moral community” of the Lung Kong is further sanctified in the veneration of ancestral teachings, particularly the teachings of Liu Bei, the revered leader of the four brothers: “Be endeavoring, be endeavoring; Don’t do anything evil regardless how small it is; Don’t fail to do a good deed regardless how negligible it is; Only virtues and wisdom can win people’s heart”.15 Not coincidentally, the two middle sentences, “Don’t do anything evil regardless how small it is; Don’t fail to do a good deed regardless how negligible it is”, were incorporated by Zhu Xi, one of the most important Neo-Confucian thinkers from the Song dynasty, in his family instructions,16 which in turn became hugely influential in popular Confucian teachings in the following centuries until the end of the Qing empire.

Moreover, the tenets, the anthem, the charters, the genealogies, the clan newsletters, and other official organs of the Lung Kong Association have collectively institutionalized key Confucian values for the teaching of its descendants: zhong 忠, loyalty or sincerity; yi 義, righteousness or justice; ren 仁, kindness or benevolence; and yong 勇, courage or bravery. Nowadays, these four values are printed in Chinese characters on almost every pamphlet, construction, or souvenir of the association. For the Lung Kong members, these values were perfectly exemplified in the four ancestors and were precisely what prompted their sworn brotherhood, as can be clearly seen in the bylaws of the Lung Kong Association, where its purposes are stated as such:

“The purposes of the Association are: to propagate the spirit of our four Ancestors, as expressed in their sworn eternal brotherhood at the Peach Garden and in their assembly at the Ancient City, and in the teachings of Ancestor Liu; to promote virtues of loyalty, righteousness, kindness, and courage; also, to unite in devoted fellowship and seek mutual assistance and mutual benefit”.

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Like many other clan associations worldwide, the most important institution of kinship solidarity for the Lung Kong Association is none other than its world fraternity convention, which is held every three or four years in different cities in the world. In 1960, the first fraternity convention of the Lung Kong Association was successfully held in Hong Kong, with a joint celebration of the establishment of Hong Kong Lung Kong Tin Yee Association and the creation of Lung Kong World Federation.18 In 1992, the 9th fraternity convention of Lung Kong was celebrated in San Francisco, with more than 300 participants of the four clans from all over the world. In 2006, the 13th convention was held in Bangkok, Thailand. In 2015, the 16th convention was held in Taipei, Taiwan. In 2018, the 17th convention was held in New York, and more than 1000 members came from all over the world to celebrate the event. In 2021, the 18th fraternity convention of the Lung Kong World Federation will be held in the village of Longgang (Lung Kong, the birthplace of the Lung Kong Ancient Temple, the precursor of the Lung Kong Association), Kaiping, Guangdong Province (Fenghuang Xinwen 2019).

The empirical analysis of the Lung Kong Tin Yee Association is based on a series of video documents published on YouTube.com, titled “The 22nd Pan American Lung Kong Tin Yee Association Convention”.19 The Pan American Tin Yee Association is the coordinating body of all the branches of the Lung Kong Association in the American continent, and the convention took place from 22 September to 25 2019, in Toronto. It was joined by 13 delegations from the USA and Canada, the delegation of Lung Kong World Federation (the general headquarters) from Taipei, and one delegation from Guangdong Province. The four days of the convention were highlighted by the welcome dinner, the ancestral worship ceremony, the election of new leadership, and the farewell banquet.

The main event of the first day was the welcome dinner, which was held in a luxurious Cantonese restaurant, Dim Sum King Seafood Restaurant, located in the Chinatown of Toronto. The spacious dining hall was packed with dozens of tables and the stage was decorated with red color, giving rise to an air of auspiciousness. A huge red banner was hung above the stage: Pan American Lung Kong Tin Yee Association-The 22nd Fraternity Convention Welcome Dinner. It was an informal occasion and the invited guests dressed casually and were entertained by voluntary Kara-ok singers. The purpose of the dinner was to help them settle down, get to know each other, and warm up for the events in the following days. Three middle-aged hostesses, two dressed in qipao, were mainly speaking Cantonese with the alternation of English occasionally, suggesting most of the guests were fluent in Cantonese. Each delegation was sitting around the table where its name was indicated with a plaque. When the hostesses called the name of a certain delegation, which seemed to be done in a random order, the delegates would stand up and wave to the rest of the guests as a manner of greetings. The chairman of the host association, Lung Kong Tin Yee Association of Toronto, gave a short welcome speech, which was followed by the chairman of the Pan American Lung Kong Tin Yee Association and several other leaders of various associations. Most of the guests were in their advanced ages and there were no youngsters visible on the site. The highlight of the dinner party was the toast ritual, in which all the important leaders were invited to come up to the stage to toast together to the invited guests.

The second day of the convention had a tight schedule of meetings, and its solemn atmosphere was in a sharp contrast to the previous evening of relaxation and informality. The daily chore was inaugurated with none other than the ancestral worship ceremony itself, the most symbolic and most ritualistic event of the day. It was held in the main hall of the Lung Kong Association of Toronto, which was punctuated by a huge oil painting of the four ancestors in the background, Liu Bei, Guan Yu, Zhang Fei, and Zhao Yun. The painting, framed with a red silk ribbon for the convention, was flanked by the teachings of Liu Bei rendered in a calligraphical style.20 A sacrificial table was set up in front of the painting, with two roasted suckling pigs laid out on top. A big bronze incense burner was placed on an offering platform between the painting and the sacrificial table, accompanied by two flower vases, a variety of fruits, and several cups filled with liquor. The leaders of the Lung Kong Association dressed up in suit, wearing a red ribbon with the honorary title of the occasion.21

With a senior officer serving as the announcer, the ancestral worship ceremony started with the singing of the Lung Kong anthem22 in unison. This was followed by the ritual of presenting incenses, in which another senior officer lit two sticks of incense and placed them in the incense burner. Next was the ritual of presenting flowers and a vase with fresh flowers inside was brought to Zhao Shanqiang, the chairman of the Pan American Lung Kong Tin Yee Association, who was standing in the front of the congregation. Mr. Zhao, holding the vase in his hands, bowed three times to the image of the four ancestors and returned the vase to one assistant officer, who then placed it on the original spot. Next came the offering of fruits and Mr. Zhao did the same performance. The following ritual was the offering of liquor, and Mr. Zhao, after bowing three times to the ancestors, poured the liquor to the floor, suggesting the spirits of the ancestors were actually enjoying it. This ritual was followed by possibly the most interesting part of the ceremony, where a loud voice with resounding echo was heard in the hall. It was intended to be the voice of the ancestors who were now supposedly appreciating the offerings and were giving instructions to the descendants.23 Afterwards, a middle-aged man recited a tribute, in a four-syllable poetic format, to the spirits of the four ancestors. The whole ceremony was concluded with the collective recitation of the teachings of Liu Bei by the solemnly standing participants: “Don’t do anything evil regardless how small it is; Don’t fail to do a good deed regardless how negligible it is”.

The rest of the day was filled with a series of executive meetings where the affairs of the association were openly and enthusiastically discussed. The conclusion of the day was then highlighted by a luxurious and elegant banquet, where a queue of young girls, all dressed in qipao, welcomed the guests with the maximal hospitality. A professional music band was performing on stage, with the leading singers singing in Mandarin, Cantonese, and occasionally, English. A staged lion and dragon dance ushered in the first climax of the banquet. All the guests stood up and sang the national anthem of Canada, then the Lung Kong anthem. It was followed by a number of speeches from the various leaders of the Lung Kong Association and from some invited guests of social or political prestige, but the most important spot was reserved for Liu Xiuzhen, the first female president of Lung Kong World Federation, who travelled all the way from Taipei with her associates. Unlike other speakers of the night who spoke in Cantonese, she was the only Mandarin speaker and her speech concluded with the highly ritualized phrase: “Let’s hold fast to the spirit of loyalty, righteousness, benevolence, and bravery, and promulgate the virtue of mutual-help”.24

The third day of the convention was underlined by the 17th Executive and Supervisory Joint Meetings of the Lung Kong World Federation, during which each of the member associations presented financial reports to the presiding committee. This was followed by the executive meeting of the Pan American Lung Kong Tin Yee Association, which focused on the election of new leadership by the board members. As a result, Liu Huichuan was elected the next chairman of the Pan American Lung Kong, and Guan Xiaocong, the supervisor. The transition of power was witnessed and sanctioned by Liu Xiuzhen, the president of Lung Kong World Federation, who led the new leadership in reciting a solemn oath: “I, with the uttermost sincerity, make my oath: Uphold the Lung Kong principles of loyalty, righteousness, benevolence, and bravery; abide the rules and regulations of all Lung Kong associations; work with fellow members of Lung Kong in a unified spirit, and fully commit myself to the betterment of our association. If I violate my oath on any occasion, I am disposed to receiving due punishment”.25

The last day of the convention was relatively quiet and the only important event was the farewell banquet, which was held at another luxury restaurant. The most important ritual of the evening was the ceremony of handing out awards and souvenirs. Each of the participating Lung Kong associations received a banner embroidered with the four characters: zhong loyalty, yi righteousness, ren benevolence, and yong bravery. At the meanwhile, senior members and ex-leaders of the associations of various levels, as well as honorable guests, received souvenirs from the organizers. Then, a series of speeches were made by the prestigious members of the community, with that of Liu Huichuan, the newly elected chairman of the Pan American Lung Kong Tin Yee Association, being the most elaborate one.

During the course of the Lung Kong fraternity convention, four key factors have participated in the construction of its “moral community”: the imagery of the four ancestors, the ceremony of ancestral worship, the recitation of Confucian values as embodied in the teachings of Liu Bei, and the enactment of sworn brotherhood in a series of rituals in which all Lung Kong members were participants. It is not just any “moral community”, but precisely a Confucian “moral community”. Thus, through the shared discourses and rituals, the members of the four clans came to imagine, visualize, commemorate, enact, and construct afresh a common “brotherhood”.

5. Concluding Remarks

Clan associations, like other types of immigrant organizations, play a fundamental role in the mechanism of overseas Chinese communities. By posing as self-governing bodies, they provide social welfare and assistance for their members and help to maintain law and order in the society at large. However, what is unique to clan associations is that they perpetuate descent lines, preserve Chinese tradition and Confucian values, and maintain the identity of Chinese communities as a whole (Yen 1981, p. 86). Furthermore, clan associations bind members together into a “moral community” in which they share a sense of common duty, obligation, identity, and destiny (Kuah-Pearce and Hu-Dehart 2006, p. 7).

The French historian Numa Denis Fustel de Coulanges (1877) argued that rituals can function as boundary maintaining mechanisms as they express and sustain the corporate identity of social groups. Durkheim (1995) also stated that social groups can be defined through their rituals that regulate their internal solidarity and their external identity. It is interesting to note that the speeches by Liu Xiuzhen, the president of Lung Kong World Federation, have constantly chosen a special set of terms to address the different ranks of the congregation: yuanlao 元老 (elder), zhuxi 主席 (president/chairman), shizhang 世長 (senior), and zongqin 宗親 (fellow kinsmen).26 Apparently, this exclusive nomenclature marks the border between the internal community and the external society on the one hand, and articulates the communal solidarity of Lung Kong on the other.

The fraternity conventions and festival celebrations of the Lung Kong Association are saturated with a series of symbols and rituals that maintain the internal solidarity of the group and the external identity from other organizations. Its social bonds have to be perpetually reinstated in the individual experience of the participants through ritualistic activities and performances. It is in this sense that the brotherhood discourses and the ancestral rituals, two of the most “sacred” elements in the symbolic presentation of the Lung Kong Association, function as coordinating and mutually reinforcing variables that have transformed the association into a Confucian moral community.

Overseas Chinese communities are not readily seen as oriented toward Confucianism since there is no imperial system nor literati class that punctuated the Confucian nature of traditional Chinese society before modern times (Chen 2021). Clan associations as the perpetuating bodies of kinship and Confucian values are thus especially pertinent in understanding the social and cultural dynamics of the Chinese diaspora. Through the empirical analysis of the three clan associations—See He Kiong, Wei Hui Gong, and Tongsheng Huiguan—and a detailed case study of the Lung Kong Association, we can see that their spaces, symbols, rituals, and discourses are specially constructed in order to elaborate a sense of sacredness and communal solidarity. By appealing to the Durkheimian sense of “moral community”, we may say that clan associations have achieved not only historical and cultural but also religious and existential and significance in the Chinese diaspora. Through this perspective, we can better understand how overseas Chinese communities have continually resorted to Confucian resources, via the clan association, to negotiate their cultural identity, value orientation, and in a more profound sense, the ultimate meaning of their existence.