Citizenship in the Writings of a Post-Islamist Ex-Muslim Brother: The Case of Ruhayyil Gharayiba
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. Post-Islamist Stirrings in the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood
2.1. Ideological Developments
2.2. Post-Islamist Stirrings
3. Ruhayyil Gharayiba’s Post-Islamism
3.1. Gharayiba’s Conceptual Post-Islamism on Citizenship
In this context, Gharayiba sees allowing proselytisation as a duty, provided it is done calmly and through dialogue (Gharayiba 2012, p. 309).(…) then one must allow [non-Muslims] to practise their ceremonies (sha‘a’irihim), their prayers (salawatihim) and their rituals (tuqusihim), to go to their temples (ma‘abidihim), to congregate (al-tajammu‘) and to gather (al-tajamhur) for them, and to defend them against those who disparage them (al-difa‘ ‘anha didda man yantaqisuha). In fact, these are the manifestations of the freedom of expression (mazahir hurriyyat al-ra’y) as they relate to their religions. […] If we allow non-Muslims to practise the ceremonies of their religions—which we Muslims believe to be incorrect (bi-khat’iha) and which in some cases may offend (isa’a ila) God or his prophets and his messengers, yet we still allow them—then it is all the more important (min bab ula) to allow them the freedom of speech to say what they believe, even if it is incompatible (mukhalifan) with Islam.
Christians are an authentic part (juz’ asil) of the national [Jordanian] fabric (al-nasij al-watani) and authentic Arabs (‘Arab usala’). They have participated in the cultural, Arab, Islamic realisation (al-injaz al-hadari al-‘Arabi al-Islami) [of Jordan] with their Muslim brothers. They have had a predestined and preserved role (dawr muqaddar mahfuz) role that one cannot ignore or disparage (la yumkinu tajahuluhu aw al-intiqas minhu). This is what authentic, documented history confirms.
3.2. Pushing the Boundaries of the Post-Islamist Trend on Citizenship
Because such top-down imposition of religion is out of the question for Gharayiba, an Islamic state should not be dictatorial or theocratic, but should be a civil state with an Islamic authority (Nasir 2009; Gharayiba 2013b, 2013g). He states that this is not a new idea, but one that actually goes back to early Islam, when it was based on three norms: (1) there were no clerics in such a state; (2) citizenship was available to all inhabitants of the state and “was not based on religion, ethnicity or colour”; and (3) it strengthened “the authority of the people (sultat al-sha‘b) in choosing the ruler and holding him to account (ikhtiyar al-hakim wa-muraqabatihi)” (Gharayiba 2016d; see also Al-Sabil 2007; Nasir 2009).freedom precedes religion (al-hurriyya tasbuqu l-din), because entering the religion requires providing the absolute will (tawfir al-irada al-mutlaqa) based on understanding (al-fahm) and satisfaction (al-iqtina‘) and being free from compulsion and coercion (al-ikrah wa-l-qahr) in all its degrees (bi-kull darajatihi).
Since most people in Jordan are Muslims, this will be reflected in the laws and the political system, but it also leaves open the possibility of change. In fact, Gharayiba believes a country does not derive its Islamic character from its laws, but from whether people can practise their rituals and forms of worship in safety and without compulsion (Gharayiba 2011, p. 35).the project of building the state (mashru‘ bina’ al-dawla) is the result (thamara) of the building of society (bina’ al-mujtama‘) and the building of society is first of all (awwalan) based on the good building of man (husn bina’ al-insan), his preparation (i‘dadihi), his upbringing (tarbiyatihi), his purification (tazkiyatihi) and his suitability (ta’hilihi).
4. Conclusions
Funding
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Conflicts of Interest
1 | For the purposes of this article, I define Islamists as those Sunni Muslims who do not just see their faith as a religion of texts, rituals, customs and practices, but also as a politically and socially relevant ideology. As such, they seek to bring about peaceful political and social reform through the systems of their countries, rather than against them, because they have accepted the legitimacy of the state and the rules of the democratic game. |
2 | Bayat uses slightly different words in his 2007 book than in his 2013 contribution to his own edited volume. The literal quotations as given here can be found in (Bayat 2013b). |
3 | The text of the initiative was provided to me on paper by Ruhayyil Gharayiba himself. An English translation of the text of the ZamZam Initiative is provided in (Wagemakers 2022, pp. 184–88). Because the founding text of the ZamZam Initiative is difficult to find online, all quotations from the text are derived from this translation. |
4 | This verse and any subsequent ones were adopted from (Arberry 1955). |
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Wagemakers, J. Citizenship in the Writings of a Post-Islamist Ex-Muslim Brother: The Case of Ruhayyil Gharayiba. Religions 2023, 14, 488. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14040488
Wagemakers J. Citizenship in the Writings of a Post-Islamist Ex-Muslim Brother: The Case of Ruhayyil Gharayiba. Religions. 2023; 14(4):488. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14040488
Chicago/Turabian StyleWagemakers, Joas. 2023. "Citizenship in the Writings of a Post-Islamist Ex-Muslim Brother: The Case of Ruhayyil Gharayiba" Religions 14, no. 4: 488. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14040488