Korean Buddhism in the Era of ‘Spiritual, but Not Religious’: Adapting to Contemporary Society

Abstract

The shift toward modernity has come with many changes that affect religion. This article investigates some of those changes with the aim of showing how Korean Buddhism is adjusting to contemporary spirituality. The article begins with a consideration of the term ‘spiritual, but not religious’ (SBNR), a relatively new designation that indicates the shift a growing number of people are taking away from organized religious institutes towards beliefs and practices that they find more relevant and meaningful. To better understand SBNRs, the research of Mercadante is emphasized. The second half of this article aims to consider Korean Buddhism in the context of modern spirituality. Using Mercadante’s framework, which distinguishes between five types of SBNRs (dissenters, causals, explorers, seekers, and immigrants), an inquiry is carried out into each of these categories to show some of the ways in which Korean Buddhism is engaging with the spiritual and emotional concerns of modern, secular society. Thus, this work aims to show the direction Korean Buddhism is headed in and how it is relevant to modern, spiritual inclinations.

1. Introduction

While there are many orders of Buddhism in South Korea (hereafter, Korea), the Jogye Order is by far the largest, overseeing more than 3000 temples nationwide, managed by approximately 12,000 ordained monastics. Growth in the number of monastics has steadily grown up to the turn of the century, peaking at 532 new postulants in 1999. However, the number of annual monastic recruits has continuously fallen, with only 63 new recruits reported in 2022 (Park and Kim 2023b, p. 2). Not only have the number of postulants been falling, but so too have the number of Buddhist laity. As of 2023, approximately 17% of Koreans described themselves as Buddhist, while just over half of all Koreans (51%) claimed no religion (Korean National Association of Christian Pastors 2023). There are numerous factors to consider regarding the decreasing number of religious followers. For example, the birth rate in Korea hit an all-time low in 2023, with approximately 230,000 births, down from over 640,000 in 2000 (Statistics Korea 2024). Specific to Korean Buddhism, a series of scandals within the Jogye Order in the 1990s and 2010s have been cited as explaining the recent decrease in followers caused by a loss of confidence in the institute’s leaders (Kim et al. 2019).

Despite the decreasing birthrate in Korea and in-fighting within the Jogye Order, there is a trend worldwide, especially among affluent countries, where religious institutions in general are losing favor. Religious organizations in the climate of consumerism, individualism, and hegemonic scientism fare far worse than they did prior to the modern age. According to a report by the Pew Research Center, if this trend continues, it is estimated that the number of Americans who associate with Christianity will fall below 50% of the population by the year 2070 (Pew Research Center 2022). Not specific to any one faith, confidence regarding religious institutes in general has been in decline. According to their Confidence in Institutions questionnaire, Gallup found that only 36% of those who participated in their survey had a high degree of confidence in organized religions, a figure which was nearly twice as large (68%) less than 45 years prior (Gallup 2022). In a 2017 survey, participants in America were asked, “do you think of yourself as a religious person, or not?” and do you think of yourself as a spiritual person, or not?” In response, over a quarter (27%) answered that they considered themselves a spiritual person who is not religious, a figure up from 19% five years prior. However, spirituality and religion are not mutually exclusive as many who consider themselves spiritual but not religious (hereafter SBNR) identify with a religious group and consider religion to be important. Conversely, 37% of SBNRs claim no religious affiliation (Pew Research Center 2017).

Given the waning number of Americans who associate with a religious organization and the overall decline in confidence in religious institutions, the percentage of those who consider themselves to be atheists is only 3% (Pew Research Center 2014b), with 9% of people stating that they do not believe in God (Pew Research Center 2014a). A discrepancy exists here between those who no longer associate with a religion and those who do not believe in God. In other words, there is a growing number of people who are not religious in the traditional sense but remain attached to some elements of their faith, unwilling (or unable) to do away with religion altogether. Those who find themselves in this widening gap between traditional religions on the one hand and religions, which have begun to break away from their traditional roots on the other have often identified as SBNRs. However, the distinction between spirituality and religion is blurred as the two may share common qualities, such as religious experiences (such as those defined by James 1985, p. 31), while simultaneously disagreeing on, for example, the source of those experiences.

Although neither the term SBNR nor an equivalent term has been utilized by Statistics Korea1, this loss in faith in organized religion in Korea is evident. Adapting to the inclination of modern society is a challenge that religious institutes in Korea have been facing for some time. In the case of Korean Buddhism, there has been a noticeable decline in postulants and laity alike for the last 25 years. This article aims to examine how Korean Buddhism is adjusting to these realities and show how Korean Buddhist traditions can be made relevant to the unique needs of our changing society. This will be achieved using research on those who identify as SBNRs, creating a window to garner insights into the unmet needs of the religiously disenchanted.

A Note on the Methodology

As a philosopher, Buddhist practitioner, and counselor, this author is informed by multiple disciplines. The domain of this investigation consists of an interdisciplinary methodology that includes Buddhism, cognitive psychology, and phenomenology, often from a sociological perspective. Moreover, the descriptive–interpretive approach, as established by Elliott and Timulak (2005), is embraced. While not discounting the practice of bracketing subject experience, this article follows an approach that values flexibility and creativity, the main goal of which is to address the research problem at hand as carefully and informatively as possible (Elliott and Timulak 2021, p. 42).

This research problem is based on the question of how Korean Buddhism is relevant in the modern (and post-modern) era and what adjustments are being made to ensure its relevance? To respond to this question, a pre-analysis was carried out, which primarily consisted of resource collection and determining its relevance. As this article is a precursor to data collection in the form of interviews, surveys, in-field observations, etc., it begins with written discourse, including academic journals, newspapers, textbooks, and the like. Many of these resources are of a sociological nature, while psychological resources have also been commonly used.

Following the pre-analysis, understanding, translating, and categorizing the collected resources was conducted. This was performed not just with the recounting of the information but with reflection on the roots of the sources and the explication of any implicit information. Much of this was conducted by translating sources from Korean to English but also included a context-informed interpretation of the content. Once the resources were selected and translated, they were categorized according to the work of Mercadante (2014). Finally, the structure that was formed was depicted in the form of a summarized narrative included in the conclusion of this article. It is an open-ended result, the goal of which is to establish foundations for further research.

Scholars such as Mercadante and Fuller have described and discussed the modern trends in religion and spirituality. This conversation necessitates defined set terms and categories that accurately represent the phenomena in question. A similar model is needed when having such discussions within the context of Korean Buddhism. Therefore, this paper offers a framework for professionals, especially of mindfulness-based studies, including counselors, educators, and chaplains, to consider the placement of religion in (post) modern society in general and Buddhism in particular and how to best navigate this disjunction given the needs of clients, students, and adherents. Despite the theoretical separation of the religious and the secular, they are often experienced as more of a sliver than a wedge. This is significant to those who seek to make the teachings of Buddhism accessible in a secular world.

2. Defining Spirituality and Religion

Phenomenologically speaking, the gap between religion and spirituality is less stark than the frequently used dichotomous framework that describes them. William James (1985) had concerns regarding religious experiences when, in the second lecture of The Varieties of Religious Experience, he began with a discussion on the precise definition of religion. Immediately, the reader can feel James’ reluctance to embark on such a task. He states, ‘the word “religion” cannot stand for any single principle or essence but is rather a collective name’ (p. 26). His distaste for essentialism continues as James states that one who troubles himself least about a definition knows the subject most completely (p. 26). Be that as it may, after several more pages of notes, James finally commits to a definition of religion as ‘the feelings, acts, and experiences of individual men in their solitude, so far as they apprehend themselves to stand in relation to whatever they may consider the divine’ (p. 31). This brief introduction alone is enough to warn of the complications with defining terms like spirituality and religion. However, treacherous as it may be, with James’s careful, anti-essential definition in mind, this work first investigates the degree to which spirituality and religion are distinguishable.

From an objective point of view, the difference between spirituality and religion is slight. Although spiritual practices have emphasized the internal experiences of the practitioner and religions, tend to emphasize the external, the

Separation is more a rhetorical device than a true divorce… The conceptual amputation of spirituality from religion is a way to get out from under the external constraints of authorities, traditions, or institutional bonds, and personalize one’s spiritual quest.

(Mercadante 2014, p. 6)

These terms are often used interchangeably, especially in academic contexts. As Professor of Religious Studies at Bradley University, Robert Fuller points out, being spiritual and religious mean the same thing insofar as they are a response to the question, ‘What is the highest reality to which I should adapt myself?’ In other words, Fuller says that both spirituality and religion are concerned with a reality, which is beyond sensory experience, that one should synchronize their life with (Fuller 2018).

The definitions of spirituality and religion overlap to the extent that they can be used interchangeably, and yet they are disparate enough to be distinguished by SBNRs. This begs the question, what does ‘spiritual, but not religious’ mean and why can an increase in those who identify as SBNRs be seen? To help answer this question, it will be helpful to take a careful look at spirituality.

The word spirituality comes from the Latin translation (spiritualis) of the Greek word pneumatikos. Translated into English, pneumatikos means wind or air, referring to the breath which is vital to the life of an animal. However, the term was often used in a religious context as well, in which case a more appropriate English translation would be spirit or soul. Frequently found in Paul’s argument with the Corinthians (1 Cor 2:13–15), pneumatikoi is used to refer ‘to those capable of possessing special spiritual revelation or wisdom’ (Horsley 1976) in contrast to psychikoi, who do not have this ability. Spirit continues to be known in contrast with the worldly; however, used in modern times, spiritual or spirituality concerns that which is holistic or fully integrated with life (Sheldrake 2012, p. 5). The term holistic comes from the Greek holos and is the etymological root of the English whole and holy. Thus, the word spirituality is best understood as an integrating factor: that which contrasts but does not exclude the worldly and represents ‘life as a whole’. In other words, spirituality references the vital element of life in animals beyond a biological approach (Sheldrake 2012, p. 5).

Ultimately, how one defines spirituality depends on cultural context. The way spirituality was spoken of in the past was often in a religious context based on Judeo-Christian traditions. In the age of secularization, the definition of spirituality has grown to include the psychological, which is currently evident in the West with the rise in therapeutic approaches that emphasize self-development. Spirituality is not practiced in a vacuum; the political, social, and cultural climate has an immense influence on the way these practices are carried out. In the industrial West, spirituality is often less about the soul and one’s relationship with God and more about empiricism and anti-authoritarianism. Spirituality is a word that has come to be a way of describing oneself as wholesome and moral and yet unconstrained by traditional theology. Dogmatic belief has been exchanged for beliefs based on inner experiences. What exactly these inner experiential-based beliefs are is open to interpretation, but it includes an integrated/holistic approach to life, a quest for the sacred; it underpins a desire for meaning, it includes an understanding of human identity, purpose, and thriving, and finally, a desire for some degree of values/principles rather than a purely pragmatic way of life (Sheldrake 2012, pp. 22–23).

3. Spiritual, but Not Religions (SBNR)

A rather new distinction, especially in Korea, SBNR refers to an increasingly growing faction of those who have, for different reasons, dissociated themselves from organized religion, often replacing it with a more individualistic life stance. SBNRs have been described as ‘people who are exploring a spiritual journey outside of a single organized religion’ (sbnr.org). As SBNRs have no single belief system, ‘[t]here are as many SBNR belief systems as there are SBNR people’ (sbnr.org). Although there are numerous reasons why SBNRs may distance themselves from religion, they typically sidestep amorality. The term SBNR often carries with it a sense of wisdom or depth, especially regarding morality, which contrasts the way that atheism or non-religiousness is sometimes viewed. In other words, being an SBNR is a way of being religious in a new way. According to Mercadante, whether a person is religious or not depends on three factors: ‘(1) how often the person attends religious services; (2) the strength and type of beliefs; and (3) how important religion is in his or her life’ (Mercadante 2014, p. 32). When interviewing SBNRs, Mercadante found that they often possess two of these qualities and, in some cases, may even have all three (Mercadante 2014, p. 32).

SBNRs, however, have not distanced themselves from religious institutions alone; many are also concerned with adherence to overly secular views (e.g., scientism) as well. Avoiding both extremes, SBNRs are inclined to incorporate their spiritual practices into their daily lives and not adhere to a set of exercises related only to the supernatural. It is important that one’s beliefs are meaningful and practical while also being based on logic and reason. There is a search for balance between, or reconciliation of, science and religion as well as the contemporary and traditional. The results of this search have blossomed in a variety of practices, including acupuncture, ethical eating, yoga, meditation, and reiki, among others (Mercadante 2014, p. 34). Thus, more than simply disregarding superstition in favor of a secular world, SBNRs seem to be looking for a way to re-enchant a world that has largely become mechanical and cold with the rise in science, technology, and industry. Therefore, some of the primary qualities of SBNRs are their anti-institutional attitude and strong sense of individualism, as well as the semi-secularized ethos associated with a post-modern perspective.

The occurrence of the term ‘spiritual, but not religious’ starts to appear with frequency in the early 1990s. However, the SBNR movement had been well underway in the form of countercultural fringe groups in the 1950s and 1960s, which accompanied the rise in humanist psychology. Predating this by over thirty years, the concept of the spiritual as something separable from Christianity may have first found traction as early as the mid-1930s when Dr. Bob and Bill W. started a spiritually inclined twelve-step program to aid in the management of alcohol addiction. Although influenced by religious sects such as the Oxford Group, the Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) program is itself free of religious doctrine. Although the word ‘God’ is used with frequency, it is amended with such qualifications as ‘as we understand Him’. For instance, step three of the program states, ‘Made a decision to turn our will and our lives over to the care of God, as we understand Him.’ (Alcoholics Anonymous 2005, p. 34). This line followed the last paragraph of step two, which states ‘Whether agnostic, atheist, or former believer, we can stand together…’ (Alcoholics Anonymous 2005, p. 33). AA accommodated people of any faith, including theists, non-theists as well as atheists. Bill W. was himself an agnostic.

By the 1950s and 1960s, the next generation of children were becoming adults, and unlike their typically religious parents, American youth were reacting to authority. The counterculture of this time was critical of traditional mores, and a shift toward free love and peace began. The new age of the hippy had begun, and with it came increasing skepticism followed by a loss of faith in the government and traditional religion for many. As a precursor, the Beat Generation helped establish a growing interest in Eastern philosophy, Zen in particular.2 While Zen influenced artists such as John Cage, who composed ‘4′33’ in 1952, and Jack Kerouac, who wrote The Dharma Bums in 1958, it was Alan Watts who made the teachings of Zen and the mystical East more readily available at this time. Staying with the theosophists Christmas and Aileen Humphreys in London, Watts studied concepts of Vajrayana Buddhism, Daoism, Zen, Vedanta, Sufism, Christian mysticism, astrology, psychic research, magic, New Thought, Jungianism, and the writings of Krishnamurti (Fuller 2001, p. 83). Watts published many books and articles as well as audio recordings and videos throughout his life. After his death in 1973, a significant number of works continued to be published posthumously as a sign of his lasting impact.

In 1964, American psychologist Abraham Maslow wrote Religions, Values, and Peak Experiences, where he wrote specifically about his purpose ‘to extend spirituality beyond organized religion’ (Grogan 2013, p. 152). In the 1960s, the Supreme Court removed prayers from public schools in America. This caused dismay amongst religious people, some of whom (Maslow does not mention who specifically) responded by speaking out against the decision, claiming it to be anti-religious. They claimed to be in support of ‘spiritual values’, which the Supreme Court was trying to destroy. Initially opposed to the religious organization, Maslow supported the decision to remove ‘spiritual values’ from public schools. However, after some reflection, he realized it was not spiritual values that posed a problem but religion. The religious had hijacked the word spiritual. Maslow writes,

I had allowed these intellectual primitives to capture a good word and to put their peculiar meaning to it […] I had let them redefine these words and had then accepted their definitions. And now I want to take them back. I want to demonstrate that spiritual values have naturalistic meaning, that they are not the exclusive possession of organized churches, that they do not need supernatural concepts to validate them, that they are well within the jurisdiction of a suitably enlarged science, and that, therefore, they are the general responsibility of all mankind.

(Maslow 1964, p. 4)

Spirituality has become increasingly interlaced not only with psychological wellness but with physical wellness in general. Although there has been growing interest in various movements, including Neo-paganism, Witchcraft, and New Age movements3, alternative forms of medicine, have been popular. This has been especially true for ‘holistic’ medicine described as an attitude more than a particular set of techniques. ‘It addresses the psychological, familial, societal, ethical and spiritual as well as biological dimensions of health and illness’ (Gordon 1982). Contrary to assumptions that holistic medicine is used out of desperation by the terminally ill as a kind of ‘Hail Mary’ attempt at recovery, these practices are frequently used by healthy people looking to maximize their well-being (Fuller 2001, p. 108). Furthermore, it has been suggested that holistic approaches may be preferable as they offer an element of psychological and emotional support not offered by symptom treatment (Wallis 1991). The development and utilization of holistic treatments have prompted a dialogue between science and religion, which has led to adaptions being made on both sides.

In the context of health and well-being, the dialogue between science and religion utilizes the vocabulary of psychology to express the needs of SBNRs. Unlike the Freudians, who were decidedly anti-religious, and the Behaviorists, who exclusively practiced objective science, Humanistic psychology considers everyone as unique and applies treatment accordingly. Their concern is the development of the individual in such areas as love, creativity, self-worth, and autonomy, among others. One most closely associated with this ‘third force’ of psychology was Abraham Maslow, whose hierarchy of needs, especially psychological needs and self-actualization, overlaps with elements of the SBNR ethos, including autonomy, individualism, and re-enchantment within a semi-secularized, post-modern era. As such, ‘psychology has become the secular successor to religion, providing a new vocabulary and new set of theories by which to understand our selves’ (Fuller 2001, p. 123).

Types of SBNRs

Designations among the non-religious and/or spiritual were made prior to Mercadante’s research published in 2014. One case in point is the distinctions made by Fuller in his 2001 book Spiritual, But Not Religious: Understanding Unchurched America, where five themes related to the spiritual seekers’ agenda are considered. These themes include (1) the seekers’ concern with individual rights (and even duties) to establish their own criteria for belief, (2) seekers tend to think of spirituality not as creed but as a way of being or a mode of perceiving/responding to the world, (3) seekers tend to be intolerant of institutional religions which are unable to keep up with the evolving needs of the people, (4) seekers understand the self and its connection with God in a new way—God is less of an external figure of authority and something to be experienced from within, and 5) spiritual seekers tend to be interested in exploring the metaphysical (Fuller 2001, pp. 75–77). Also, considering the themes of the spiritual seekers’ ethos, Mercadante’s research focuses on those who identify as SBNR and classifies them into five different types: dissenters, casuals, explorers, seekers, and immigrants. These types are important as they represent an individual’s reasons, formative experiences, and goals, which often transcend the generational gaps. Furthermore, SBNRs of all types generally have several commonalities. First, they each tend to arrive at their spiritual project through a life crisis. They also tend to experiment with various teachings and teachers, looking for a practice that fits with who they are and what they need. As such, dedication to a particular group or practice is often short-lived. The reason for this short-lived connection is often differences in beliefs accompanied by disparity over principles. ‘They found the beliefs ultimately unbelievable, or felt that members were not living up to them’ (Mercadante 2014, p. 52). Finally, SBNRs tend to feel honor-bound to move on from a congregation that they disagree with. Authenticity is very important to SBNRs, and so if one cannot be the ideal, he or she often moves on in hopes of finding a better practice (Mercadante 2014, pp. 51–52).

The first type Mercadante describes are the dissenters, who she sub-categorizes into protesting dissenters, drifted dissenters, and conscientious objector dissenters. Basically, the dissenter type of SBNR represents individuals who keep religious institutions at a distance. In the case of the protesting dissenters, they were often ‘hurt, offended, or become angry about some experience or aspect of organized religion’ (Mercadante 2014, p. 53). For the drifting dissenter, religion becomes less a part of their life out of habit. Unlike the protesting dissenters they do not usually have a particular problem or issue that keeps them away. Conscientious objector dissenters are suspicious about religion, consider that it may be useful for the weak, and see it as an unnecessary part of spiritual life. Most of the dissenters were of the Silent Generation (born between 1928 and 1946) (Mercadante 2014, p. 53).

The second type Mercadante distinguishes is casuals, which refers to those who use spiritual practices in a functional way. ‘Their SBNR status is mostly a loose, open kind of thing, used for psychological health and happiness, serving its purpose and then receding into the background’ (Mercadante 2014, p. 56). These types of SBNRs tend to be younger, often millennials, and have less concern for theological dilemmas. This type will take part in such practices as yoga, meditation, reiki, tai chi, mindfulness, etc., specifically for their therapeutic benefits.

The third and fourth types are, respectively, explorers and seekers. These two may seem similar, but have a distinct quality that distinguishes them. First, explorers can be described as kinds of spiritual tourists ‘who enjoy the journey but do not plan to settle anywhere’ (Mercadante 2014, p. 58). Unlike dissenters who often move on to a new practice because of disappointment or disagreement with their current affiliation, explorers often move on out of a sense of curiosity to discover the novel. Furthermore, explorers are mostly Baby Boomers, although there are many Gen X explorers as well. The fourth type of SBNR, seekers, are like explorers except that they are ‘looking for a spiritual home’ (Mercadante 2014, p. 60). Like explorers, seekers were also most common among Baby Boomers and Gen X.

The final type of SBNR is the immigrant, which refers not to an immigrant moving to a foreign country but to those who have moved to a new spiritual land. Even though many SBNRs leave the religion they are raised in to become seekers or explorers, very few make the move to settle into a new religion. Mercadante suggests this is because of the large commitment required to become a member of a congregation. Even if the effort is expended, it is unclear whether the immigrant will feel at home in the new spiritual land. Furthermore, ‘commitment, constancy, and group loyalty, [are] characteristics that vie with those highlighted in the SBNR ethos (i.e., independence, freedom, non-dogmatism, and an open and questing attitude)’ (Mercadante 2014, p. 64).

4. Korean Buddhism in the Era of SBNRs

As of the 2015 survey, the Korean Statistical Information Service has not utilized the designation SBNR. The distinctions made are between those who identify with a particular religion or no religion at all. This is not to say the SBNR phenomenon has gone unnoticed; on the contrary, in the case of Korean Buddhism, there has been much consideration of such topics, including the future role of Buddhism in the era of de-religionization. Beginning in 2003, an annual conference for Buddhist professors has been held to discuss academic issues surrounding Korean Buddhism. This year (2024), the conference was entitled, ‘Religious Identity in the Post-Religious Era and Where Korean Buddhism is Headed’4. Some of the primary concerns discussed revolved around the distortion of Buddhist history in the context of de-religionization and how to propagate Korean Buddhism (Lee 2024).

In an article entitled ‘Meditation Studies and Happiness’, Korean nun and Professor of Buddhist Studies at Dongguk University, Ven. Seogwang describes SBNRs in America and Europe as those who have intrinsic spiritual needs but who do not want to follow the norms/values that institutionalized religions insist upon. Furthermore, Koreans are no exception to this trend. With mention of the four immeasurables (사량무심; loving-kindness, compassion, joy, and equanimity) and the four methods that bodhisattvas employ (사섭법; charitable offerings, loving words, helpfulness, and working together), Ven. Seogwang points out the importance of compassion and curiosity, which foster knowledge and love for the self and other. When it comes to helping others to find the teachings of the Buddha, she suggests living the practices yourself and setting an example for others to follow of their own choice. She goes on to explain that empathizing with the feelings of others and listening to them with respect rather than trying to teach them about Buddhism is how we can invite people to learn the Dharma (Seogwang 2022).

The number of Koreans who identify as non-religious has been increasing (over 50% as of 2015). If the aim of a given religious organization is to make itself useful by helping to ease suffering, the needs of the suffering must be identified. Regarding the spiritual, the needs of those who live in a culture engaged in consumerism, individualism, neoliberalism, and hegemonic scientism require an approach that adequately includes the values of modern people. In reference to a 2014 poll which indicated that 70% of religious Koreans are religious in order ‘to find meaning in life’ (10%) and ‘to gain peace of mind’ (60%), Professor of Philosophy at Korea University, Seong Taek Jo, expressed the following.

The fact that 70% of the religious population in Korea is looking for ‘peace of mind’ and ‘meaning in life’ is a good indication of what Buddhism can and should do in the post-religious era. From this perspective, I wonder if the current state of Korean Buddhism is responding to these needs.

(Jo 2021)

To help respond to this concern, the needs of SBNRs, as expressed in the above sections, will now be considered in relation to Korean Buddhism within the framework provided by Mercadante’s research.

4.1. The Dissenter

The first type of SBNR that Mercadante identifies is the dissenter, one who leaves organized religion in one of three ways: in protest, by drifting away, or through conscientious objection. While the recent decline in postulants and laity in Korean Buddhism is frequently attributed to the growing gap between traditional teachings and uniquely modern needs, there are other contributing factors. One such factor is the decreased willingness to depend on institutions, especially those that have shown signs of corruption. Since the 1990s, there have been significant in-fighting and scandals within the Jogye Order (Kim et al. 2019).

In 1977, the Dharma Propagation Bureau was established to maintain a diversity of propagation efforts that would ensure the long-term transmission of Korean Buddhist teachings through modernized, popularized, and socialized Buddhism (Oh 2022, p. 12). In 2016, the seventh bureau of the Dharma Propagation Bureau began with Ven. Jihong holding office as director until 2021. As noted by Park and Kim (2023a, pp. 7–9), during this period, some of the accomplishments of the bureau included (1) the Movement of Faith Innovation (신행혁신), which lead to the publication of several texts including manuals on Buddhist practices, (2) collaboration with Buddhist-related digital content creators, (3) the enhancement of lay education, which included the establishment of a computer system to unite 160 institutes associated with the Dharma Propagation Bureau (http://sindoedu.buddhism.or.kr/ accessed on 15 August 2024), (4) the revitalization of several other propagation organizations, (5) support given to numerous temples for their own propagation efforts, (6) focus on propagation among youth committees and university students, (7) the release of publications regarding propagation development and a propagation roadmap, and finally (8) the improvement of the Jogye Order propagation system where internal by-laws were revised.

However, controversy ensued in the form of accusations of embezzlement. Jihong was said to have unjustly received a salary between 2013 and 2018. A trial was had regarding the KRW 180 million (approx. USD 136,000), resulting in the South Korean courts finding Jihong guilty of embezzlement and sentencing him to 10 months in prison and 2 years of probation, a sentence which was immediately appealed. Following the embezzlement charge, two further controversies arose. First, regarding the revision of Jogye Order by-laws in accordance with the propagation of the Dharma, specifically the ‘Laity Discipline Ordinance’ (신도징계에 관한 령) and second, regarding controversies concerning the management of the Buddhist Women’s Development Institute (불교여성개발원), an institute that the Jogye Order eventually severed ties with at the end of 2021 (Park and Kim 2023a).

Regardless of details regarding the above-mentioned controversies, the result has been a public spectacle that would not have inspired confidence in would-be postulants or lay members. Dissenters, as described by Mercadante, represent a demographic of individuals, many of whom were raised in religious homes and, thus, take religion seriously despite the reservations they have about religion as an institution. While some drift from their religious roots in gradual stages, others take a more direct exit, often spurred on by a particular reason or reasons. Their distaste for organized religion is often accompanied by a sense of rebellion and sometimes anger about elements of the institute or personal experiences. While this may be in response to controversial events like those mentioned above, it may also be the result of insufficient or unsatisfying answers to existential questions. In other words, there are SBNRs who turn away from religion out of exasperation caused by the worldly element of the tradition. Despite their distaste for religion, dissenters are often quite spiritual, which leads one to conclude that the dissenter is more at odds with religious institutions than religion per se.

The needs of the dissenters, as well as other SBNRs, have arisen from modernism and the meeting of religion with the secular. As a result, individuality, freedom, and inclusivity (among other qualities) have come to be valued over lineage and ritual. The relationship between the monastic and laity is changing in that the distinction between them is fading. While some may respect the authoritative appointments of a leader, the ever-growing demographic of SBNRs tend to balk at such behavior as it opposes their democratic values.

4.2. The Casual

The second type of SBNR that Mercadante distinguishes is the casual type, namely, those who use spiritual practices in a functional way, especially for therapeutic purposes. Common therapeutic practices that have been influenced by Buddhism include mindfulness-based programs. Starting as early as the 1980s in the United States, mindfulness-based programs have grown exponentially in North America and beyond. The success of mindfulness-based courses such as Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR), Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy (MBCT), and Mindful Self-Compassion (MSC), among many others, have led to a growing interest in mindfulness as a therapeutic tool worldwide. Buddhist-inspired programs, many of which were established in America, have spread to Buddhist nations where they blend with technically similar, traditionally rooted practices. Given the success of such programs in helping people manage the stresses of daily life, it is natural that such programs find a home in Buddhist environments, especially in highly commercial cities like Seoul and Busan.

Korean Buddhism has worked hard to develop facilities and programs to accommodate interest in meditation and mindfulness. The term “K-meditation” (K-명상) is now being used by some frequently, being cited as a sign that Buddhist psychology is popular in Korea (Jeong 2024). The relationship between mindfulness-based programs and Korean Buddhism is one of mutual benefit insofar as Buddhism contributes to the psychological health of sentient beings, and, in return, the number of Buddhist supporters and followers increases (Jeong 2024).

Leading the way on this mutually beneficial path is the president of the Jogye Order, Ven. Jin Woo, who in a recent interview spoke of his plans to meet with MBSR creator Jon Kabat-Zinn and of his time in America when he visited various meditation centers, including the Insight Meditation Society in Barre, Massachusetts (Hong 2024). Noting that the growth in meditation practice in America is due to its positive effect on psychological well-being and stress reduction, a decision was made to establish a center in Korea that would be dedicated to the practice of meditation and the teachings of Korean Buddhism. The construction of Mun Gyung World Meditation Village (문경 세계명상마을) began in the summer of 2018, with the first stages of construction completed in 2020 (https://wmv.or.kr/37 accessed on 18 August 2024). The center is available to anyone interested in meditation retreats and includes such programs as phrase-observing meditation and Early Buddhist meditation (간화선과 초기불교 명상), introductions to meditation (명상입문반), training for civil servants (공무원 직무연수), meditation camps for the young and the old (청·장년명상캠프), and Korean Zen seated meditation (참선체험명상), among others (https://wmv.or.kr/71 accessed on 18 August 2024).

Another example of adaptions made to accommodate the demand for meditation practice in the context of wellness comes in the form of academic resources dedicated to various projects related to Buddhist psychology and mindfulness-based practice. In 2009, Dongguk University, a Buddhist-affiliated university in Korea, established the Department of Meditative Counseling Psychology (명상심리상담학과). It is described as a department offering courses based on Buddhist tradition that offer space for communication between tradition and modernity, the East and West. The courses maximize the real-life application of Buddhist tradition by linking various fields of modern psychology and related disciplines of psychology and strengthening clinical practice in the field (https://gsbs.dongguk.edu/page/1100 accessed on 18 July 2024). Additionally, beginning in 2019, Dongguk University established the Seoul International Meditation Expo (서울국제명상엑스포), a yearly, 2-day event including academic presentations, meditation workshops, and an array of booths housing information and space for meditation practice in a variety of styles and traditions. Some topics covered in the 2024 expo include Seon (Korean Zen) Meditation and Modern Physics, Cultivating Inner Awareness: A Prelude to Meditation, Exploring Inner Stillness: The Path to Self-Discovery, Seon Meditation, and EEG Characteristics, among others. (https://mind.dongguk.edu/front/scholarship/scholarship01.php accessed on 18 July 2024). Finally, as a part of the 2023 Seoul International Meditation Expo, Dongguk University created a meditation app called Six Realms Samsara Meditation (육도윤회 명상), which is based on Buddhist teachings on the six realms of samsara. The app includes a series of surveys and guided meditations designed to suit the current mood/needs of the user. Those whose survey indicated they were currently suffering from jealousy or anger, for example, would be directed to the corresponding meditation practice.

The Jogye Order and Dongguk University, two leading institutions and authorities in Korean Buddhism, have undoubtedly acknowledged the value of meditation as a tool for cultivating psychological wellness. While some may hold reservations regarding the secularization of tradition, it seems the consensus among the authority figures of Korean Buddhism is that teaching meditation skills to those interested in cultivating mental well-being and reducing stress is to be embraced—an opportunity for both Buddhists and non-Buddhists alike.

4.3. The Explorer and the Seeker

The third and fourth types of SBNRs, as defined by Mercadante, are explorers and seekers, respectively. These groups are similar in that they are curious about and actively seek out novel spiritual experiences. What distinguishes them is that the former tend to have little or no intention of settling down into a new religion. Unlike dissenters who are prompted to spiritual exploration by distaste with their current affiliation, explorers are like tourists who enjoy the journey and dabble in various traditions out of interest. Seekers also search out of curiosity but with the intention of finding a place to call their spiritual home.

Tourists and spiritual tourists alike have been welcomed to Korea by Buddhists. Festivals and events are regularly held throughout the country, especially in Seoul and Busan. Established in 2021, the first Buddhist film festival in Korea was held over a 4-day period in August. Referred to as the One World One Flower International Buddhist Film Festival (OIBFF; 세계일화 국제불교영화제), the first festival screened 56 films from 15 countries (https://buddhistfilmfoundation.org/news/one-world-one-flower-international-buddhist-film-festival-runs-august-26-30/ accessed on 14 June 2024). The fourth OIBFF was held in September of 2024 and has been promoted as a festival that showcases films that not only include Buddhism but which raise fundamental questions about life, humanity, and universal truths. As cinema is a popular medium, it plays a significant role in spreading Buddha’s words and offering guidance on life to audiences beyond the faithful. (https://www.oibff.com/index_en.php accessed on 14 June 2024).

In line with the theme of international events, the Seoul International Buddhist Expo (서울국제불교박람회) and Buddha Art Fair (붓다아트페어) are yearly events which feature exhibitors from around the world who showcase their work. In 2018, a total of 331 vendors occupying 488 booths participated in the event.5 Among the vendors, 38 came from countries outside of Korea. Approximately 71,000 people visited during the 4-day event, with just over 8000 being from outside of Korea (https://bexpo.kr/past/fair2018 accessed on 15 June 2024). Currently, the expo has grown to include online participation as well as a popular ancillary program known as Relax Week (릴랙스위크). The first Relax Week program was held in 2023 and included guest lecturer Chade-Meng Tan, author of Search Inside Yourself: The Unexpected Path to Achieving Success, Happiness (and World Peace) and former employee of Google. Meng gave a presentation on Buddhism at the heart of meditation, which was followed by a talk on the role of Seon meditation in the modern world by the president of the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism, Ven. Jin Woo.

Included in the 2024 expo were booths and spaces dedicated to meditation zones, introductions to wellness programs such as Templestay, a wide variety of artisans showcasing their craftsmanship related to architecture, painting, tea services, ritual practice, information technology, clothing, and food culture, just to name a few. Aside from a book café with numerous authors, there were also presentations and Dharma talks given on various topics, including the concerns of young people in Korea, mental health management, and connecting teachings with everyday life (https://bexpo.kr/past/fair2024 accessed on 15 June 2024).

While these festivals and expos serve as an opportunity to introduce Korean Buddhism, both nationally and abroad, the teachings of Seon (선), a term often translated to English as meditation or concentration, are based on direct experience. In other words, it is maintained that conventional teachings are hollow without meditation practice. Predating the above-mentioned events is the Templestay program, established in 2002. This program began as a means of supplementing accommodation facilities while simultaneously providing experiences of Korean traditional culture to visitors of the 2002 FIFA World Cup, held in Seoul. It was continued as a program offering participants, often tourists, with the opportunity to experience elements of monastic life, including meditation practice and religious services, as well as sightseeing around the temple (Moon and Somers 2023). Some of the opportunities afforded include meditation practice or chamseon (참선), Buddhist rituals or yebul (예불), eating from alms bowls with monks/nuns or barwoogongyang (발우공양), as well as tea ceremonies or darye (다례). In a study that considered motivations for participating in Templestay programs, participants were categorized into two groups: Koreans and non-Koreans. In the case of Koreans, 75% of those surveyed associated Templestay with relaxation and healing (Moon and Somers 2023). One study indicated that the main motivations include relaxation by disengaging from daily life, self-growth, reflection, connection with nature, and emotional regulation through meditation (Oh and Choi 2021, p. 160). In the case of non-Korean participants, reasons for attending Templestay programs included self-reflection and rest/recharge, cited at 19% and 11%, respectively. However, the most common responses included an interest in traditional Korean culture (31%) and an interest in Buddhist culture (29%) (Moon and Somers 2023).

In another study, which surveyed 1040 Templestay participants, the majority identified as being non-Buddhist. In the case of Koreans, Chun and Kim (2012) found that approximately 38% of visitors did not associate themselves with a religious affiliation, while 38% were Buddhist, 9.5% were Protestant, and 8.7% were Catholic. Among non-Koreans, the religious affiliations of participants were 30.9% Protestant, 33.3% Catholic, 28.5% claimed no religious affiliation, and 3.4% were Buddhist (p. 34).

Finally, considering the connection between spiritual explorers/seekers and Korean Buddhism, the newly established Just Be Temple is significant. Located in Hongdae, a trendy part of Seoul frequented by young, university students and tourists, Just Be is a temple that also functions as a guesthouse for tourists with an inclination for the religious/spiritual. Dubbed as a ‘global meditation playground,’ the abbot of the Just Be Temple, Ven. Jun Han and his team have consciously created a space that promotes inclusivity and egalitarianism where anyone who wants to practice any form of meditation is welcome (https://www.justbetemple.org/story-of-justbe accessed on 4 August 2024).

Established just two years ago, Just Be has grown in popularity as it offers not only accommodation but space for various forms of spiritual practice, including regular sessions in seated meditation, sound meditation, free dance, Zen Taichi, drawing, tea ceremonies, and yoga (https://www.justbetemple.org/programs accessed on 4 August 2024). The steady growth of Just Be and its popularity, especially among young and international people, could be the result of its willingness to engage with spirituality in an open way as opposed to a more customary approach, which may be intimidating for those who are interested but ultimately stand outside the tradition.

4.4. The Immigrant

The final type of SBNR is the immigrant, which refers to those who have moved to a new spiritual land, not to an immigrant moving to a foreign country. As noted earlier, very few SBNRs make the transition from exploring new traditions to commitment, as it takes a great effort to become assimilated into a new congregation. Furthermore, ‘commitment, constancy, and group loyalty, [are] characteristics that vie with those highlighted in the SBNR ethos (i.e., independence, freedom, non-dogmatism, and an open and questing attitude)’ (Mercadante p. 64). Nevertheless, there are indeed immigrant SBNRs within Korean Buddhism; however, only four will be briefly mentioned below as the focus of this article is on how Korean Buddhism engages with SBNRs. Most notable in the United States is the Providence Zen Center, which functioned as the original headquarters for the teachings of Ven. Seung Sahn (승산).

Arriving in the United States in the early 1970s, Ven. Seung Sahn established the Providence Zen Center in 1972, later establishing the Kwan Um School of Zen (관음선종회) in 1983. This school of Zen is a sector of Korean Buddhism under the umbrella of the Jogye Order but has been somewhat reshaped given the expressions of the teachings by its founder and its non-Korean environment and/or followers.

Also, visiting the United States in the early 1970s, Ven. Ku San’s (구산) teachings inspired some to travel to Korea to practice (Schippert 2024). Among the first to train non-Korean students in a Korean monastery, some of his students included the distinguished Professor of Buddhist Studies Robert Buswell, author and former Buddhist nun Martine Batchelor, and author and meditation teacher Stephen Batchelor. Their practice was conducted at Song Gwang Sa (송광사), a temple that represents the sangha or community, one of the three jewels.6 Currently, two temples in Korea that non-Korean monastics call home include Hwa Gye Sa (화계사), where an international Zen center was established by Ven. Seung Sahn. It has been reported that over 100 non-Korean monastics have been ordained under Venerable Seung Sahn at this temple (https://eng.templestay.com/temple_info.asp?t_id=hwagyesa accessed on 23 July 2024). Outside of Korea’s capitol is the more recently established Mu Sang Sa (무상사), a temple that stands as the Asian headquarters of the Kwan Um School of Zen. From its inception in 1999, Mu Sang Sa has been under the guidance of American-born Ven. Dae Bong (대봉) who has acted as resident Guiding Zen Master or Joshil (조실), as well as serving as Musangsa’s abbot and the Head Zen Master of the Kwan Um School of Zen in Asia (https://musangsa.org/international/about-musangsa/daebong/ accessed on 23 July 2024). The abbot is currently Korean-born Venerable Tan Wol (탄월).

5. Conclusions

After an investigation into the term ‘spiritual, but not religious’, the five types of SBNRs, as defined by Mercadante, have been considered within the context of Korean Buddhism. It has been shown not only that Mercadante’s framework is helpful for classifying SBNRs outside of America, but it also lends itself as a framework for an investigation of Korean Buddhism as it encounters the spiritual and emotional concerns of the times.

Since the beginning of the latter half of the 20th century, there has been a noticeable decline in the number of people who trust religious institutions in America. This is a worldwide trend, which includes Korean Buddhism. As shown by Park and Kim (2023b), for just over twenty years, there has been a consistent decline in the number of Jogye Order postulants. The reasons for this decline are multiple, including a continuously lowering birthrate and unrest within the order. However, the shifting needs of the members of a modern society who live in a consumeristic, eclecticist, neoliberal environment and who increasingly value individualism and scientific rationalism carry a significant role. As a result, Buddhism has not been abandoned so much as it has been reworked.

Casual encounters with Buddhism have led to the coining of the term K-meditation (K-명상), which employs teachings to help practitioners cope with the struggles of daily life. While traditional teachings, including psychology, are emphasized, especially practical approaches applying meditation techniques in times of hardship, these casual encounters have developed into the establishment of various organizations, including a complex (Mun Gyung World Meditation Village) dedicated to teachings of the Dharma and meditation practice, and the department of Meditative Counseling Psychology at Dongguk University. Technology has also been embraced, an example of which is the creation of a meditation app based on the six realms of samsara.

The qualities of explorers and seekers not only overlap with one another but with casuals as well. Some distinguishing features include the explorer/seekers’ active search for spiritual experiences and, in the case of the latter, the possibility of finding a new spiritual home. Buddhist film festivals, meditation expos, and art fairs have been common in Korea over the past few years, serving as an introduction to Buddhism and its teachings. Perhaps most effective has been the Templestay program, which has been providing participants with opportunities to experience Buddhist life since 2002. While these events and programs are available to foreign tourists, it has also proven to be popular among Koreans, with most participants being Korean. However, in the case of Just Be Temple, which offers travel and accommodation in the form of a hostel in addition to space for meditation practices, many of the participants hail from outside of Korea.

Finally, in the case of the immigrant, the legacy of Ven. Seung Sahn and the Kwan Um School of Zen stand out. Two temples of particular importance are Hwa Gye Sa and Mu Sang Sa, both of which house many non-Korean monastics. The Kwan Um School of Zen is also taught outside of Korea, with nearly 100 locations worldwide. Although the ways in which spiritual-seeking Koreans are being met by Korean Buddhism have been successful, tensions remain regarding the essence of a tradition that adapts to changing times. Among the five types of SBNRs, the majority fall under the casual, explorer, and seeker types. Comparatively, there are few who make the transition to permanently take up a new spiritual home as the immigrant does.

There has been much discussion by religious leaders about what needs to be achieved in times of de-religionization; however, given the growth of those who identify as SBNR, a better serving question may be about how to adapt in times of re-religionization. What has developed largely in America and is now spreading around the globe is a unique settlement that privileges meditation, individualism, and psychology. This has been dubbed Buddhist Modernism, ‘a historically unprecedented form of Buddhism that arose out of the encounter between traditional Buddhism and Western modernity under colonialism’ (Gleig 2019, p. 3).

In her book American Dharma: Buddhism Beyond Modernity, Professor of Religious Studies Ann Gleig considers Buddhist Modernism and the shift toward post-modernism. While the innovations of Buddhist Modernism have largely revolved around the secularization of mindfulness meditation, Buddhist technology, and communities that revise Buddhism in a secular way, there is simultaneously a movement toward preservation and recovery, including critiques of secular mindfulness, a renewed interest in traditional elements of religion (including ritual, sangha, and cosmology), and questioning the reduction of Buddhism into a scientific model (Gleig 2019, pp. 4–5). The practices of Buddhism in the 21st century, whether in America, Korea, or elsewhere, have an unquestionable and inevitable modernist tinge that distinguishes it from its predecessors. Citing Hellas, Gleig describes religion in post-modern times as

An intermingling of the religious and the secular, a consumer approach in which religious are viewed as products and engagement is seen as a matter of personal choice, a willingness to combine high and low culture and draw from disparate frameworks of meaning, and an orientation toward pragmatism and relativity.

(Gleig 2019, p. 11)

The last 50 years have marked the times of a bourgeoning post-modernism, which, like modernism, includes religion. We have not shifted from a religious to a de-religious way of life; rather, religion has been relocated into the realms of the secular. One of the indications of this shift is the growing use of terms like ‘spirituality’ and specifically ‘spiritual, but not religious’. This article has provided an investigation into SBNRs and how they have been met in Korean Buddhism. This article serves to broach the topic of SBNR life in Korea and set the stage for further research. It would be helpful to conduct surveys and interviews with both practitioners and facilitators of the programs mentioned. A better understanding of the motivation for SBNRs to practice Buddhism in Korea will help to establish an understanding of the projected direction of Korean Buddhism as a tradition and an institution. Moreover, how Korean Buddhism engages with the SBNR ethos is pertinent as Buddhism (among other Eastern traditions) tends to be a welcomed alternative for SBNRs in America.