The Impact of Religious Practices on Shaping Cultural Habits: The Case of Child Sacrifice among the Pre-Islāmic Arabs from the Qur’ānic Perspective
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. The Jāhiliyya Arabs’ Sacrificial Offerings to the Gods
Today, they sacrifice a newly born child to their idol gods. The child is slaughtered and then the body is boiled until the flesh falls apart. The meat is subsequently removed and kneaded with semolina flour, saffron, hyacinth, cloves, and oil, formed into small fig-like tablets, and baked in a new oven. This takes place every year for the mystics of the north. The woman, the slave, the offspring of slaves, and the mentally unstable are prohibited from its consumption. Only three soothsayers may attend the slaughter and presentation of the child. The soothsayers proceed to burn the bones, cartilage, nerves, and veins of the child as a sacrifice to the gods.
Deep in Semitic thought was the idea of sacrificing something very precious, even a first-born son, doubtless on the assumption that such an act tended to propitiate a jealous deity and so to ensure one’s enjoyment of the rest of one’s possessions. For people with this thought in their bones, it would be natural to regard almsgiving, the giving away of a part of one’s money or possessions, as a form of propitiatory sacrifice.
When ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib was involved in the digging and repair of the Zamzam well in Mecca, he faced insults from other notables of the Quraysh and found himself unprotected, for he had no other child but Ḥāris. In response, he made a vow and said, ‘I swear by Allāh, if I were to have ten sons old enough to protect me, I would sacrifice one of them for the sake of Allāh near the Ka‘ba.’ When ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib eventually had ten sons of the coming age to protect him, he gathered them together, informed them about his vow, and sought their consent to fulfill it for the sake of Allāh. In obedience to their father’s plea, all the sons agreed. ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib then proceeded, and began writing the names of each son on arrows used for fortune-telling and went to an idol called Hubal to draw lots. As one of the major idols of Quraysh, Hubal was situated near a well inside the Ka‘ba where animals were brought in order to be sacrificed, and offerings were collected in that well. Seven arrows with different judgments inscribed on them were placed next to Hubal. ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib drew lots among his sons, and the name of his youngest and most beloved son, ‘Abdullāh, emerged. ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib took ‘Abdullah’s hand and held a sharp knife, intending to sacrifice him in front of the idols named Isāf and Nāila. The Quraysh and their other children intervened and said to ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib: ‘We swear by Allāh that as long as we are alive, you will never sacrifice ‘Abdullāh unless there was a justifiable reason. If you do so, everyone will bring their son for sacrifice until no humans remain.’ Seeing ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib’s determination, they directed him to a soothsayer (al-‘Arrāfa) from the Ḥijāz in Medina, saying: ‘Do not pursue this! Take him to the Ḥijāz. There, you will find a woman soothsayer known to have jinns accompany her. Ask her about this matter. Then the decision is yours. If she commands you to sacrifice him, then you may proceed. But if she decrees something better for you and your son, then do as you are told.’ ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib accepts their advice and takes ‘Abdullāh to see the soothsayer. After informing her about the situation, the soothsayer communicates with her jinn and says an expiation could be made in place of ‘Abdullāh. According to the custom of that day, the expiation required ten camels. Consequently, the soothsayer instructed ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib: ‘Return to your homeland. There, draw lots between your son and ten camels. If your son is drawn, increase the number of camels by ten and repeat the process until your Lord (al-Rabb) is pleased (and the camels were chosen).’ Afterward, ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib returned to Mecca and, in front of the idol of Hubal, he drew lots between his son and ten camels. However, every time the number of camels reached one hundred, ‘Abdullāh’s name would emerge in the lot, and when the number reached a hundred, the camels were drawn. Thus, ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib was able to spare his son’s life by sacrificing a hundred camels as expiation.
A woman came to Ibn al-‘Abbās12 and said to him: ‘I have vowed to sacrifice my son.’ Ibn al-‘Abbās replied to her: ‘Do not sacrifice your son! Seek an alternative expiation for your vow.’ An old man with her said to Ibn al-‘Abbās: ‘How can there be expiation for this?’ Ibn al-‘Abbās read the passage (verse of al-Ẓihār) in Ṣūrah al-Mujādila (Q. 58:3–4) and said: ‘As you can see, this passage provides an expiation for your vow’.
A woman made a vow that she would sacrifice her son near the Ka‘ba if her wish came true. When her wish was realized, she went to Medina seeking a legal ruling (fatwa) regarding her vow. She approached ‘Abdullāh Ibn ‘Umar,13 who said to the woman: ‘I do not know anything except that Allāh has commanded the people to fulfill their vows.’ The woman said, ‘Shall I then sacrifice my son?’ Ibn ‘Umar replied, ‘Surely Allāh has forbidden the act of killing yourselves,’ and remained silent after that. Later, the woman came to ‘Abdullāh Ibn al-‘Abbās and asked him for a legal ruling. Ibn al-‘Abbās said to her: ‘Allāh has commanded the believers to fulfill their vows, and this is an obligation. Nevertheless, He has forbidden you to kill yourselves.’ Then, Ibn al-‘Abbās narrated to her the incident of ‘Abdulmuṭṭalib and said: ‘I think you should sacrifice a hundred camels in place of your son.’ When news of this event reached Marwān,14 he expressed his disagreement: ‘I believe Ibn ‘Umar and Ibn al-‘Abbās were incorrect in their legal rulings. Since a vow should not involve disobedience to Allāh.’ Subsequently, he advised the woman, ‘Seek forgiveness from Allāh, repent to Him, engage in acts of charity and almsgiving as much as you can. As for sacrificing her son, Allāh has strictly forbidden it’. The people were pleased and convinced by Marwān’s words and believed his legal ruling was correct. Consequently, the legal ruling, ‘There is no vow in matters that involve disobedience to Allāh’ had become a mainstay among Muslims.
I find it plausible that a religious factor motivated the Jāhiliyya Arabs to kill and bury their daughters, as historians have argued. This custom could potentially be a remnant of religious symbolism from past societies. Historical accounts indicate that in those societies, human sacrifices were offered to the gods to achieve prosperity and peace. This method of appeasing the gods was regarded as one of the religious rituals (shiars) of the time. Therefore, it is not unreasonable to speculate that the custom of killing and burying children in the Jāhiliyya period may have originated from these rituals. What is of note here is that while sacrifices were traditionally offered to the gods by way of slaughter or through similar methods, daughters were killed by burial during the Jāhiliyya period. The act of slaughtering the sacrifice was to ensure the blood would flow, which thus held significance in all sacrificial rites. In brief, burying a child was considered a form of killing. The killing of children and offering them as sacrifices to the gods was a well-known form of worship in previous nations. They performed this custom expecting the gods to be pleased and respond favorably to their requests.(Ali 2001)
3. Qur’ānic Passages Concerning the Killing of Children
Likewise, their idols entice many idolaters to kill their children to lead them to their ruin and confuse them in their religion. Had Allāh willed, they would not have done itso leave them to their fraud.(Q. 6:137)16
Lost are those who kill their children foolishly, with no basis in knowledge, and forbid what Allāh has provided for them—innovations about Allāh. They have gone astray. They are not guided.(Q. 6:140)
Say, ‘Come, let me tell you what your Lord has forbidden you: that you associate nothing with Him; that you honor your parents; that you do not kill your children because of poverty—We provide for you and for them; that you do not come near indecencies, whether outward or inward; and that you do not kill the soul which Allāh has sanctified—except in the course of justice. All this He has enjoined upon you, so that you may understand.(Q. 6:151)
And when one of them is given news of a female infant, his face darkens, and he chokes with grief. He hides from the people because of the bad news given to him. Shall he keep it in humiliation, or bury it in the dust? Evil is the decision they make.(Q. 16:58–59)
And do not kill your children for fear of poverty. We provide for them and you. Killing them is a grave sin.(Q. 17:31)
O Prophet! If believing women come to you, pledging allegiance to you, on condition that they will not associate anything with Allāh, nor steal, nor commit adultery, nor kill their children, nor commit perjury as to parenthood, nor disobey you in anything righteous, accept their allegiance and ask Allāh’s forgiveness for them. Allāh is Forgiving and Merciful.(Q. 60:12)
When the girl, buried alive, is asked: For what crime was she killed?(Q. 81:8–9)
And they set aside for Allāh a share of the crops and the livestock He created, and they say, ‘This is for Allāh,’ according to their claim, ‘and this is for our idols.’ But the share of their idols does not reach Allāh, yet the share of Allāh reaches their idols. Evil is their judgment.(Q. 6:136)
Or has He chosen for Himself daughters from what He creates and favored you with sons? Yet when one of them is given news of what he attributes to the Most Gracious, his face darkens, and he suppresses grief.(Q. 43:16–17)
4. Conclusions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Conflicts of Interest
1 | The revelation of the Qur’ān began in the year 610 CE, during the month of Ramadān when the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) received the first verses of the Qur’ān from the Angel Gabriel (Jibrīl in Arabic) while he was meditating in the cave of Hirā near Mecca. The revelation continued over a period of approximately 23 years until the year 632 CE, which coincided with the passing of the Prophet Muḥammad (Demirci 2016). |
2 | The term mushrikūn refers to polytheists or idolaters in Arabic. In the context of Islāmic theology and scripture, it specifically denotes those who associate partners with God or worship deities alongside or instead of Allāh (God). In Islāmic belief, monotheism (tawhīd) is fundamental, and associating partners with Allāh is considered a grave sin, known as shirk. The Qur’ān often uses the term mushrikūn to describe those who engaged in polytheistic practices during the pre-Islāmic period or who reject the concept of monotheism (Sinanoğlu 2010). |
3 | The pre-Islāmic Arabs, also known as the Jāhiliyya Arabs, were the people who lived in the Arabian Peninsula before the advent of Islām (Fayda 1993). |
4 | In Islāmic terminology, riwāyāt refers to the collections of narrations or reports about the sayings, actions, and approvals of Prophet Muḥammad (peace be upon him), as well as those of his companions and other early authorities in Islām (Efendioğlu 2008). |
5 | The term Jāhiliyya refers to the period of ignorance and barbarism in Arabian history before the advent of Islām, which began with the prophethood of Muhammad in the 7th century CE (Fayda 1993). |
6 | The month of Rajab is the seventh month of the Islāmic lunar calendar. It is considered one of the four sacred months in Islām (Günay 2007). |
7 | The term ‘atīra refers to a specific type of sacrifice or offering mentioned in historical and religious contexts, particularly in pre-Islāmic Arabian culture and early Islāmic traditions. The exact meaning and significance can vary based on the specific context in which it is used (Ünal 1991). |
8 | In Islāmic theology and mythology, jinn are supernatural beings created by Allāh from smokeless, scorching fire, as mentioned in the Qur’ān. They are considered to inhabit a parallel world to that of humans. Jinn have free will, meaning they can choose to do good or evil, similar to humans (Şahin 1993). |
9 | Ḥadīth refers to a saying, narration, or report of the actions, words, or habits of the Islāmic prophet Muḥammad (Kandemir 1997). |
10 | The Meccan period refers to the initial phase of Prophet Muḥammad’s prophethood, during which he received revelation in the city of Mecca. This period spans approximately 13 years, from the first revelation in 610 CE until the Hijra (migration) to Medina in 622 CE. On the other hand, the Medinan period refers to the later phase of Prophet Muḥammad’s prophetic mission, during which he resided in the city of Medina. This period began with Muḥammad’s Hijra from Mecca to Medina in 622 CE and lasted until his death in 632 CE (Birışık 2009). |
11 | Al-Ṣaḥāba refers to the companions of the Prophet Muḥammad in Islāmic tradition. These individuals played a crucial role in the early development and spread of Islām. They were his close friends, followers, and supporters who witnessed his teachings and life firsthand (Efendioğlu 2008). |
12 | Ibn al-‘Abbās, whose full name is ‘Abdullāh Ibn al-‘Abbās was a cousin of the Prophet Muḥammad and a prominent scholar of early Islām. He was born approximately three years before the Hijra (the migration of Prophet Muḥammad from Mecca to Medina) and died around 687 CE. He is celebrated for his knowledge, particularly in the fields of exegesis (tafsīr) of the Qur’ān, Islāmic jurisprudence (fiqh), and ḥadith. His deep understanding of the Qur’ānic sciences earned him the title Tarjumān al-Qurʾān (Interpreter of the Qur’ān) (Çakan and Eroğlu 1988). |
13 | ‘Abdullāh Ibn ‘Umar was the son of the second Caliph of Islām, ‘Umar Ibn al-Khattab, and thus a companion of the Prophet Muḥammad. He was born around 614 CE and died in 693 CE. ‘Abdullāh ibn ‘Umar is renowned for his piety, knowledge, and dedication to preserving and transmitting the teachings of Islām (Kandemir 1988). |
14 | Merwān Ibn al-Ḥakam was an influential figure in early Islāmic history, known for his political role and leadership. He was born around 623 CE and died in 685 CE. He belonged to the prominent Umayyad clan, which played a significant role in the political landscape of the early Islāmic Caliphate (Aycan 2004). |
15 | Qiṣṣa is an Arabic term generally referring to a narrative or a story. In Islāmic context, it often specifically refers to the stories or narratives found within religious texts or traditions, particularly those relating to prophets, saints, or moral lessons (Şengül 2022). |
16 | All verse translations in this study are taken from Qur’ān English Translation, trans. Talal Itani (Qur’ān English Translation 2012. Beirut: ClearQur’ān). |
17 | Words with a similar meaning in the Arabic language are andhara انذر, wajala وجل, wajafa وجف, faza‘a فزع, rawa‘a روع, rahaba رهب, ra‘aba رعب, khāfa خاف, ḥadhara حذر, ishma’azza اشمأز, iqsha‘arra اقشعرّ, ashfaqa أشفق, ittaqā اتقى. For the differences in meaning between these words, see (al-‘Askarī n.d.). |
References
- Abū al-Rabb, Hānī. 2009. al-Wad’ in al-‘Arab ḳabla al-Islām wa Mawqif al-Islāmi minh. Dirāsāt al-‘Ulūm al-Insāniyya wa’l-İjtimāiyya 36: 88–100. [Google Scholar]
- Abū Ḥayyān, Muḥammad Ibn Yūsuf al-Andelusī. 1999. al-Baḥru’l-muḥīṭ fī al-tafsīr. Edited by Ṣıdqī Muḥammad Jemīl. Beirut: Dār al-Fikr. [Google Scholar]
- Acarlıoğlu, Ahmet. 2019. Cāhiliye Arap Toplumunda Kız Çocuklarının Katli Meselesi: İslam Tarihi Perspektifinden Değerlendirme [The Matter of Murder of Daughters in Jāhiliyya Arab Community: Evaluation from the Perspective of Islāmic History]. Cumhuriyet İlahiyat Dergisi [Cumhuriyet Theology Journal] 23: 441–60. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- al-‘Askarī, Abū Hilāl. n.d. al-Furūq al-Lughawiyya. Cairo: Dār al-İlm al-Theqāfa.
- al-Azharī, Muḥammad Ibn Aḥmad Abū Manṣūr. n.d. Tehdhīb al-lugha. Edited by Muḥammad ‘Iwaḍ Mura‘ab. Beirut: Dār Iḥyā al-Turāth al-‘Arabi.
- al-Baghawī, Abū Muḥammad al-Ḥusayn. 1997. Ma‘ālim al-tanzīl fī tafsīr al-Qur’ān. Edited by Muḥammad Abdullāh al-Namr. Beirut: Dār Ṭayyiba. [Google Scholar]
- al-Bayḍāwī, Abū Saīd Abdullāh. n.d. Anwār al-tanzīl wa asrār al-ta’wīl. Edited by Muḥammad Abdurraḥmān. Beirut: Dār Iḥyā al-Turāth.
- al-Bīrūnī, Abū Rayḥān. 2008. al-‘Āthār al-bāqıya min al-qurūn al-khāliya. Cairo: Maktaba al-Thaqāfa al-Dīniyya. [Google Scholar]
- al-Bukhārī, Abū Abdullāh. 2001. al-Jāmiʿ al-ṣaḥīḥ. Edited by Muḥammad Zuhayr Ibn Nasr. Beirut: Dār ṭawq al-Najāt. [Google Scholar]
- al-Dhahabī, Shamsuddīn Muḥammad. 1985. Siyar a‘lām al-nubalā. Edited by Shu‘ayb al-Arnawūt Ḥusayn Asad, Muḥammed Nu‘aym, Ma’mūn al-Ṣāghırjī, Ali Abū Zayd, Kāmil al-Kharrāṭ, Ṣālih al-Samr, Akram al-Būshī, İbrāhīm al-Zubayq, Beshshār Ma‘rūf and Muḥyī Hilāl al-Sarḥān. Beirut: Muassasa al-Risāla. [Google Scholar]
- al-Farrā, Abū Zakariyyā Yaḥyā Ibn Ziyād. n.d. Ma‘ānī al-Qur’ān. Edited by Aḥmad Yūsuf al-Nejātī. Cairo: Dār al-Mıṣrıyya.
- al-Fākihānī, Abū Ḥafṣ Tājuddīn. 2010. Riyāḍ al-afhām fī sharhi ‘Umda al-Aḥkām. Edited by Nūruddīn Ṭālib. Damascus: Dār al-Nawādir. [Google Scholar]
- al-Huwwārī, Hūd b. Muḥakkam. 1990. Tafsīr Kitābillāh al-Azīz. Edited by Bāḥāj Ibn Saīd Sharīfī. Beirut: Dār al-gharb al-Islāmī. [Google Scholar]
- Ali, Jawād. 2001. al-Mufaṣṣal fī tārīkh al-‘Arab qabla al-Islām. Beirut: Dār al-Sāqī. [Google Scholar]
- al-Qurṭubī, Abū Abdullāh Muḥammad Ibn Aḥmad. 1964. al-Jāmi‘ li aḥkām al-Qur’ān. Edited by Aḥmad Berdūnī. Cairo: Dār al-Kutub al-Mıṣrıyya. [Google Scholar]
- Altıntaş, Ramazan. 2007. Bütün Yönleriyle Cahiliyye [All Aspects of Jāhiliyya]. İstanbul: İfav Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- al-Ṭabarī, Abū Ja‘far Muḥammad Ibn Jarīr. 1968. Tārīkh al-Ṭabarī. Edited by Muḥammad Abū al-Faḍl Ibrīhīm. Cairo: Dār al-Ma’ārif. [Google Scholar]
- al-Ṭabarī, Abū Ja‘far Muḥammad Ibn Jarīr. 2000. Jāmi‘ al-bayān fī tafsīr al-Qur’ān. Edited by Aḥmad Muḥammad Shākir. Beirut: Muassasa al-Risāla. [Google Scholar]
- al-‘Umayrī, Abdullāh Khālid. 2020. Tārīkh al-naṣṣ al-adabī li dhāhira al-wad’ fī al-Jāhiliyya. Majalla Kulliyyat Dār al-‘Ulūm 37: 217–49. [Google Scholar]
- Apak, Adem. 2012. Anahtarlariyla İslam Öncesi Arap Tarihi ve Kültürü [Pre-Islāmic Arab History and Culture with Key Aspects]. İstanbul: Ensar Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Ateş, Ali Osman. 1996. İslam’a Göre Cahiliye ve Ehl-i Kitap Örf ve Adetleri [Customs and Traditions of Jāhiliya and Ahl al-Kıtāb according to Islām]. Istanbul: Umut Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Aycan, İrfan. 2004. Mervān I. Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. Ankara: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Bauks, Michaela. 2007. The Theological Implications of Child in and beyond the Biblical Context in Relation to Genesis 22 and Judges 11. In Human Sacrifice in Jewish and Christian Tradition. Edited by Karin Finsterbusch, Armin Lange and K. F. Diethart Römheld. Leiden: Brill, pp. 65–86. [Google Scholar]
- Bell, Catherine. 1992. Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Birışık, Abdulhamit. 2009. Sûre. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. İstanbul: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Bremmer, Jan N. 2013. Human Sacrifice in Euripides’ Iphigenia in Tauris: Greek and Barbarian. In Human Sacrifice Cross-Cultural Perspectives and Representations. Liege: Presses Universitaires de Liège, pp. 87–100. [Google Scholar]
- Chinchilla Mazariegos, Oswaldo, Vera Tiesler, Oswaldo Gomez, and T. Douglas Price. 2015. Myth, Ritual and Human Sacrifice in Early Classic Mesoamerica: Interpreting a Cremated Double Burial from Tikal, Guatemala. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 25: 187–210. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Cilacı, Osman. 1979. Dinler Tarihi Açısından Bir Araştırma: Ilahi Dinlerde Kurban [A Research in terms of History of Religions: Sacrifice in Divine Religions]. Diyanet İlmi Dergi [Diyānat Ilmī Journal] 18: 360–72. [Google Scholar]
- Çakan, İsmail Lütfi, and Muhammed Eroğlu. 1988. Abdullah b. Abbas. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. İstanbul: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Çelikkol, Yaşar. 2013. Islām Öncesi Mekke [Mecca before Islām]. Ankara: Ankara School Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Darwaza, Muḥammad Izzat. 1963. al-Tafsīr al-ḥadīth. Cairo: Dār Iḥyā al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya. [Google Scholar]
- Demircan, Adnan. 2004. Cāhiliyye Araplarında Kız Çocuklarını Gömerek Öldürme Ādeti [Custom of Wa’d al-Banāt (Female Genocide or Killing Daughters by Burying Them Alive) in Jāhiliyya Arab]. İSTEM: İslām San’at, Tarih, Edebiyat ve Mūsikīsi Dergisi [Journal of Islāmic Art, History, Literature and Music] 2: 9–30. [Google Scholar]
- Demircan, Adnan. 2020. Kur’an’ın Geliş Ortamında Inanç ve Ibadetler [Beliefs and Worships in the Environment of the Revelation of the Qur’ān]. Istanbul: Kuramer. [Google Scholar]
- Demirci, Muhsin. 2016. Kur’an Tarih [History of the Qur’an]. İstanbul: İfav Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Draz, Mohamed Abdullah. 1951. Initiation au Koran. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. [Google Scholar]
- Efendioğlu, Mehmet. 2008. Sahâbe. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. İstanbul: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Fayda, Mustafa. 1993. Câhiliye. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. İstanbul: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Giladi, Avner. 1990. Some Observation on Infanticide in Medieval Muslim Society. International Journal of Middle East Studies 22: 185–200. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Girard, René. 1989. Violence and the Sacred. Translated by Patrick Gregory. London: The Johns Hopkins Press. [Google Scholar]
- Güç, Ahmet. 2010. İslam Öncesi Dinlerde Kurban [Sacrifice in Pre-Islāmic Religions]. Din ve Hayat: Istanbul Müftülüğü Dergisi [Religion and Life: Istanbul Mufti Journal] 11: 4–7. [Google Scholar]
- Günay, Hacı Mehmet. 2007. Receb. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. İstanbul: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Gündüz, Şinasi. 2008. Dinlerde Tanrıya Yakınlaşma Aracı Olarak Kurban [Sacrifice as a means of getting closer to God in religions]. Paper presented at Uluslararası Kurban Sempozyumu [International Sacrifice Symposium], İstanbul, Türkiye, December 8–9; pp. 65–74. [Google Scholar]
- Hughes, Dennis D. 1991. Human Sacrifice in Ancient Greece. London: Routledge. [Google Scholar]
- Ḥākim al-Nīsābūrī, Abū Abdullāh. 1990. al-Mustadrak ‘alā’ al-ṣaḥīḥayn. Edited by Muṣṭafā Abdulqādir ‘Aṭā. Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya. [Google Scholar]
- Ibn Abū Ḥātim, Abū Muḥammad. 1998. Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-‘Azīm. Edited by As‘ad Muḥammad al-Ṭīb. Saud: Maktabat Nizār. [Google Scholar]
- Ibn Abū Zamanīn, Muḥammad Ibn Abdullāh. 2002. Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-‘Azīz. Edited by Abū Abdullāh Ḥusayn Ibn Akkāsha and Muḥammad Ibn Muṣṭafā al-Kanz. Cairo: al-Fārūq al-Ḥadīth. [Google Scholar]
- Ibn ‘Āshūr, Muḥammad Ibn Ṭāhir al-Tūnusī. 1984. al-Taḥrīr wa’l-tanwīr. Tunisia: al-Dār al-Tūnusiyya. [Google Scholar]
- Ibn ‘Aṭıyya, Abū Muḥammad Abdulḥaq al-Andalusī. 2001. al-Muḥarrar al-wajīz fī tafsīr al-kitābillāh al-Azīz. Edited by Abdussalām Abdushshafī. Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya. [Google Scholar]
- Ibn Fāris, Abū al-Ḥusayn Aḥmad. 1979. Mu‘jam maqāyīs al-lugha. Edited by Abdussalām Muḥammad Hārūn. Cairo: Dār al-Fikr. [Google Scholar]
- Ibn Hishām, Abū Muḥammad Abdulmālik al-Himyarī. 1955. al-Sīrat al-Nabawiyya. Edited by Muṣṭafā al-Seqā, İbrāhīm al-Anbārī and ‘Abdulḥafīẓ al-Shalabî. Cairo: Sharika Maktaba wa Maṭba‘a Muṣṭafā al-Bābī. [Google Scholar]
- Ibn Isḥāq, Muḥammad Ibn Yasār al-Muṭallibī. 1978. Sīrat Ibn Isḥāq. Edited by Suhayl Zekkār. Beirut: Dār al-Fikr. [Google Scholar]
- Ibn Kathīr, Abū al-Fidā Ismā‘īl Ibn Umar al-Qurashī. 1998. Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-‘Azīm. Edited by Muḥammed Ḥusayn Shamsuddīn. Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya. [Google Scholar]
- Ibn Nadīm, Muḥammad Ibn Isḥāq. 2019. al-Fihrist. Translated and Edited by Ramazan Şeşen. Istanbul: Turkish Manuscript Institution Presidency Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Ibn Tanbāk, Marzūq. 2006. al-Wad’ inda al-‘Arab bayna al-wahm wa’l-ḥaqīqa. Riyadh: Dār al-Bashāir. [Google Scholar]
- Kandemir, M. Yaşar. 1988. Abdullah b. Ömer b. Hattâb. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. İstanbul: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Kandemir, M. Yaşar. 1997. Hadis. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. İstanbul: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Kara, Mustafa. 1997. Havf. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. İstanbul: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Khalīl Ibn Aḥmad, Abū Abdurrāḥman al-Farāhīdī. n.d. Kitāb al-‘ayn. Edited by Mahdī al-Mahzūmī and Ibrāhīm al-Samarrāī. Beirut: Dār Maktaba al-Hilāl.
- Lindstedt, Ikka. 2023. The Qur’ān and the Putative pre-Islamic Pracrice of Female Infanticide. Journal of International Qur’anic Association 8: 5–29. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Mawdūdī, Abū Alā. 2005. Tafhīm al-Qur’ān. Translated by İsmail Bosnalı, Muhammed Han Kayani, Ali Ünal, Hamdi Aktaş, Nazife Şişman, and Yusuf Karaca. Istanbul: Insan Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Mālik Ibn Anas, Abū Abdullāh. 1999. al-Muwaṭṭaʾ. Edited by Abdulmajīd al-Turkī. Beirut: Dār al- Gharb al-Islāmī. [Google Scholar]
- Māturīdī, Abū Manṣūr. 2005. Ta’wīlāt al-Qur’ān. Edited by Majdī Baslūm. Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya. [Google Scholar]
- Ögmüş, Harun. 2013. Cahiliyye Döneminde Araplar [Arabs in the Jāhiliyya Period]. İstanbul: İz Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Özkan, Ali Rafet. 2021. Dinlerde Kurban İbadeti [Sacrifice Worship in Religions]. Ankara: Akademisyen Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Pongratz-Leisten, Beate. 2007. Ritual Killing and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East. In Human Sacrifice in Jewish and Christian Tradition. Edited by Karin Finsterbusch, Armin Lange and K. F. Diethart Römheld. Leiden: Brill, pp. 1–33. [Google Scholar]
- Qur’ān English Translation. 2012. Itani, Talal, trans. Beirut: ClearQuran. [Google Scholar]
- Rāghıb al-Iṣfahānī, Abū al-Qāsım Ḥusayn. 1992. al-Mufradāt fī gharīb al-Qur’ān. Edited by Ṣafwān Adnān al-Dāwūdī. Beirut: Dār al-Qalam. [Google Scholar]
- Rāzī, Fakhruddīn Muḥammad Ibn Ḥusayn. 1999. Mafātīḥ al-ghayb. Beirut: Dār İḥyā al-Turāth al-‘Arabi. [Google Scholar]
- Samarqandī, Abū al-Lays. 1993. Baḥr al-‘ulūm. Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya. [Google Scholar]
- Shahristānī, Abū al-Fetḥ Muḥammad Ibn Abdulkarīm. n.d. al-Milel wa’l-niḥal. Cairo: Muassasa al-Ḥalabī.
- Sinanoğlu, Mustafa. 2010. Şirk. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. İstanbul: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Şahin, M. Süreyya. 1993. Cin. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. İstanbul: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Ṣāḥib Ibn ‘Abbād. 1994. al-Muḥīṭ fī al-lugha. Edited by Muḥammad Ḥusayn Āl-i Yāsīn. Beirut: Ālam al-Kutub. [Google Scholar]
- Şengül, İdris. 2022. Kıssa. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. Ankara: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Ünal, Halit. 1991. Atîre. In Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi [Encyclopaedia of Islam by the Turkish Religious Foundation]. İstanbul: TDV Publıshıng. [Google Scholar]
- Watt, William Montgomery. 1960. Muhammad at Mecca. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. [Google Scholar]
- Weiler, Gabriele. 2007. Human Sacrifice in Greek Culture. In Human Sacrifice in Jewish and Christian Tradition. Edited by Karin Finsterbusch, Armin Lange and K. F. Diethart Römheld. Leiden: Brill, pp. 35–64. [Google Scholar]
- Wellhausen, Julius. 1897. Reste Arabischen Heidentums. Berlin: Druck Und Verkag Von Georg Reımer. [Google Scholar]
Disclaimer/Publisher’s Note: The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content. |
© 2024 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
Share and Cite
Aksoy, S. The Impact of Religious Practices on Shaping Cultural Habits: The Case of Child Sacrifice among the Pre-Islāmic Arabs from the Qur’ānic Perspective. Religions 2024, 15, 1019. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15081019
Aksoy S. The Impact of Religious Practices on Shaping Cultural Habits: The Case of Child Sacrifice among the Pre-Islāmic Arabs from the Qur’ānic Perspective. Religions. 2024; 15(8):1019. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15081019
Chicago/Turabian StyleAksoy, Soner. 2024. "The Impact of Religious Practices on Shaping Cultural Habits: The Case of Child Sacrifice among the Pre-Islāmic Arabs from the Qur’ānic Perspective" Religions 15, no. 8: 1019. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15081019