We Are Conscious of Caste, but Do We Live Our Lives through It? A Case Study of Gendered Caste Marginality

Abstract

Despite the strict rejection of casteism by the Sikh faith, caste-based hierarchies are still a prevalent factor amongst Sikh diasporas within the UK. On the basis of ethnographic fieldwork amongst women whose caste is considered to occupy a lower status, this paper examines their experiences and explores how, over time, this has contributed to the construction of their identity. This article situates the women within a nexus of complex social and cultural factors, illuminating the representations of caste, gender and intergenerational change within Nottingham. An intersectional standpoint provided an analytical value in accentuating the sites where gender, caste and the mediation of honour intersected. The research shows a heterogeneity in the self-positioning of women vis-à-vis caste identity and shows a marked difference in attitudes between generations, denoting a depreciation in the significance of caste. Ultimately, while the respondents were conscious of their caste and of the historical prejudice against their caste, it is significant that they did not live their lives through it, as they internalised Sikhi as their core identity.

1. Introduction

In this paper I draw on research which used an intersectional approach in examining gender, caste and marginality amongst Bhat (formerly known as ‘Bhatra’) Sikh women (Kaur 2022). This article is based on data gathered through ethnographic fieldwork in the period 2018–2023 and subsequently examined to form the basis of my MPhil thesis. I also conducted less formal observations in the form of anecdotal accounts during the late 1980s–mid 1990s. Through the accounts I draw from, my aim is to acknowledge the diversity of the respondents’ experiences, and this paper resituates that research within the context of broader discussions on the lived experiences of caste. Therefore, the main aim of this paper is to ascertain the degree to which caste consciousness impacted the lives of these women, where marginality had been a factor (Nesbitt 1980). Importantly, this contributes to the understanding of caste attitudes during an over-forty-year period and highlights the complexities around the use of ‘cultural signifiers’ (Ahmad 2006, p. 2) as markers of identity. The persistent themes which have remained central points of focus when describing Bhat women have been comprehensively examined. They include wearing the salwaar kameez, not pursuing further/higher education or employment and marrying at a young age through the practice of arranged marriage (H. Singh 1977; Nesbitt 1980, 2011; Ghuman 1980).

The term ‘caste’ is used to identify a number of different concepts, notably varna (a Hindu religious caste system), jati (an occupational caste system) and biraderi (often referred to as a clan system) (Metcalf and Rolfe 2010). According to this analysis Indic society consists of four varnas. In descending order, these are the Brahman or priestly caste, Kshatriya or warrior caste, Vaishya or merchant caste and Sudra or labouring caste, with the ‘untouchable’ (e.g., leather workers), also known as Dalits, beneath the hierarchy. The sub-caste is an endogamous unit within the Varna or caste. In Punjabi the word is zat, also pronounced ‘jaat’, corresponding to jati in Hindi (Nesbitt 1980, p. 51). In Punjabi diasporas it is the zat/jaat rather than varna that carries most meaning; therefore, in conformity with widespread usage, caste generally refers to the zat or sub-caste (Nesbitt 1980, p. 52). The meaning of caste as reflected in my respondents’ answers was highlighted in a multitude of ways, elucidating a subjective understanding of what ‘caste’ actually means to them.

This article acknowledges that within British Sikh diasporas, casteism persists and is a real problem, as reflected in a change in legislation whereby caste is, by the order of a Minister, allowed to be considered an aspect of race in the Equality Act of 2010 (Dhanda et al. 2014; Metcalf and Rolfe 2010). The disjuncture between religious ideology and cultural practice within Sikh communities has been a subject of ongoing debate among British academics and community groups. “There is a split consciousness amongst the Sikhs with regard to caste owing to a gap between anti-casteist religious ideology and its erosion in practice (Dhanda 2017, p. 63). Caste pride is antithetical to the core values of Sikhism” (Singh and Dhanda 2014 cited in Dhanda 2017). Within the British context there has been a cumulative tradition of intellectual effort in grappling with the problem of casteism and social practice. Caste and casteism has been researched in the context of ethnicity (Drury 1988, 1991), the Sikh diaspora (Jacobsen and Myrvold 2011) and within Sikh communities (Kalsi 1992; Sato 2012; Singh and Tatla 2006). Eleanor Nesbitt’s research (1980) on the Sikh community in Nottingham which explored Sikh traditions and caste relations between Jat, Ramgharia and Bhat Sikhs is of critical importance in surveying the diaspora in 1979–1980. Nesbitt’s (1997, 2000, 2009, 2011, 2016, 2017, 2020, 2021) other publications relating to issues of caste are instrumental sources in examining the importance of caste in differentiating family experiences (Nesbitt 2011, p. 238). They also provide an invaluable dialogue between historical and contemporary caste attitudes. Other studies that were foundational for the research were Hindbalraj Singh’s (H. Singh 1977, 1978, 1979) work on the Bhat Sikhs examining their ancestry and marriage system and the development of the community in Bristol since their migration during the early 1940s. Béteille’s notion of caste has also served as an important line of enquiry throughout this article, indicating how ‘caste is not merely a form of identity, arising from birth in a particular group; it is also a matter of consciousness’ (Béteille 1996, p. 15).

The article begins by framing the context and issues that contributed to historical marginalisation and develops further under Collins’s (2019) analysis of intersectionality. An intersectional perspective frames their experiences of caste, gender and their agency, viewing educational and employment opportunities as a means of upward socioeconomic mobility. A brief account of their common ancestry and migration history is included for contextual understanding. Finally, by interweaving the following themes found from the data: caste prejudice/gendered marginality, changing attitudes towards caste, changes in cultural practices and the symbolic significance of traditional clothing, an evaluation of the contemporary perception of caste will be established. An analysis that is central to the experiences of Sikh women will also be utilised (Nesbitt 2011, p. 236), arguing that tensions between the pressures of the ‘pulling away’ and ‘towards’: (i) Punjabiat (the traditional norms, value systems and expected behaviour of Punjabi society), (ii) Sikhi (the values taught and enshrined from the holy scriptures Guru Granth Sahib and the 10 Gurus) and (iii) modernity/westernisation is particularly felt by Sikh women.

2. Methodology

The study itself uses purposive sampling, drawing data from semi-structured interviews with two categories of participants: four participants drawn from the same family to explore intergenerational differences and five other additional participants to examine identity formation and understandings of marginality. Choosing to include an intergenerational analysis within one family allowed each woman to ‘tell their story’, which then enabled me to pinpoint the continuities and discontinuities concerning their individual experiences. The four women who represented the intergenerational aspect were coded as Participants 1, 2, 3 and 4. The remaining participants were coded as Participants 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9. The city of Nottingham was chosen due to its distinct Sikh communities and due to it being the site of historical research conducted by Eleanor Nesbitt (1980), thus providing a detailed examination of the same city. As most early Bhat Sikhs continued to settle in the sea ports, Nottingham is one of the few cities which is neither metropolitan nor a sea port and was the chosen area to which the participants’ parents/grandparents moved from the ports of arrival, such as Southampton, during the early 1950s. This was mainly due to the pull factors of employment in Nottingham’s renowned textile and manufacturing industries and foundries. Also due to Nottingham’s smaller Sikh population compared to larger areas like Southall, this locality was worthy of exploration with its growing South Asian population. This methodology allowed for an in-depth data collection that acknowledged the complexity of behaviour (Cohen et al. 2017, p. 188) not only across generations but also individually. Additionally, being a Sikh female researcher allowed me to connect in a more nuanced manner with the women, as “a deepening understanding of our own gendered identities and the coded complexities of our being offered the best resources for gaining insights into the lives of others” (Callaway 1992, p. 30). Brar (2016, p. 261) emphasises the importance of the reflexivity of the researcher’s role within diasporic research. Respectively, as a ‘Sikh woman’ interviewing ‘Sikh women’, I was aware of the element of ‘insider-bias’. Therefore, the interviews were conducted with an emphasis on reflexivity and sensitivity to participant narratives. Kaur-Bring (2020, p. 3) argues that this type of research “acknowledges a community’s own internal method of knowing and being, regardless of whether one is formally represented in academia in the way indigenous, feminist, or postcolonial theories exist”. This provided a framework to de-centre existing forms of knowledge without having to place them within a western framework (Tuhiwai Smith 2021). This approach allowed for raising awareness of the different ways Sikh women live their lives, provided an appropriate frame of reference which incorporates dynamics of race, caste, religion and gender, elucidated social injustices and created a space of sameness and difference across multiple groups fostering new experiences of self (Anzaldua 1999), as “knowledge production is more than methodology, and methodology itself reflects the epistemological frameworks in which it is produced” (Collins 2019, p. 142).

3. Framing the Context and Analysis of Literature

3.1. Caste

When referring to the Punjabi Sikh community in the UK, it is necessary to highlight the salience of caste (jati or zat). The religious heterogeneity of UK Sikhs can be mapped in relation to caste-specific clans or biradari (Jacobsen and Myrvold 2011, p. 331) such as Jat, Ramgharia or Bhat Sikhs (Nesbitt 2011, p. 239). Caste is a position fixed by birth, community or caste group (Jacobsen and Myrvold 2011, p. 335) characterised through endogamous marriages and patrilineal kinship (Nesbitt 1980; Jacobsen and Myrvold 2011). Caste groups were historically differentiated through their ancestral hereditary professions such as Jats being landowning farmers, Ramgharias being carpenters and Bhats being priests/religious missionaries (Nesbitt 1980). Despite the strict rejection of the caste system by the Sikh faith, the dynamics of caste are still prevalent amongst diaspora Sikhs in a global context (Nayar 2004; J. Singh 2016; Jakobsh 2010, 2021; Jaspal 2011; Ghuman 2016; Nesbitt 2011; Jacobsen and Myrvold 2011, 2016; Dhanda 2017).

In terms of caste hierarchy, the Jat Sikhs are dominant among Punjab’s Sikhs both numerically and economically (as peasant farmers and land owners) and are deemed the highest caste, having come to Britain during the 1950s (Bance 2007). Their dominant status within Panjab and in the diasporas through owning land in rural Panjab and through personal narratives has resulted in caste hierarchy thriving as a source of identity within Punjabi society (Jodhka 2004; Kalsi 1992; Nesbitt 2016). For example, Nicola Mooney’s observations on Jat Sikhs in Punjab saw the ‘Jat identity’ privileged over the ‘Sikh identity’ (Mooney 2011, p. 9); however, she asserts that this was more dependent on the type of environment in which they participated, which was to do with being involved with more social than religious environments. This raises questions regarding the personal value placed on caste pride, how social actors navigate themselves in different settings and where a person is situated in the caste hierarchy, revealing the contradictory nature between Sikh culture and Punjabiness (Singh and Dhanda 2014). These observations provide cogent standpoints which transcend the more obvious categories of race and gender as “identities are produced in relation to multiple forms of discourse that circulate into people’s lives through various channels and in relation to distinctive forms of cultural or identity politics” (Hall 2002, p. 16).

In descending order of caste hierarchy in the UK’s Sikh community, the second group, the Ramgarhia Sikhs, or ‘Twice Migrant’ Sikhs, arrived in Britain during the 1970s from East Africa and can be traced back to the Misl period in Sikh history. Their traditional occupations were carpenters, stone masons and blacksmiths (Bhachu 1985). Thirdly, the Bhat Sikhs were among the earliest pioneering Sikhs to migrate to the UK during the late 1920s (Bance 2007). They were itinerant traders selling household goods and ready-made clothes door to door. However, their traditional occupation was that of priests/religious scribes (H. Singh 1977, 1978; Nesbitt 1980). It is important to note that “the majority of Nottingham Sikhs belong to one of the following three castes, Bhat, Jat and Tarkhan (Ramgarhia). In Nottingham, unlike such localities as Southall and the West Midlands, there is no Ravidasi or Balmiki community (Nesbitt 1980, pp. 54–55)”.

3.2. Gender

Authors such as Bhachu (1991a, 1991b, 2004), Brah (1996), Bhopal (1997), Ahmad (2003) and Thandi (2018) examine how South Asian (SA) women negotiate themselves through religious, racialised, classed and caste structures, through a multi-sphered identity (Mooney 2011, p. 9). However, in relation to Sikh marriages, Mooney (2020) argues that although it is widely known that Sikhism is founded upon egalitarian and anti-casteist principles, the practice of endogamous arranged marriages produces the very issues that it advocates against. She argues that casteism and sexism are the two forms of oppression that are produced from marrying within one’s own caste. Mooney further argues that “caste and gender inequalities in Sikh society are ongoing… and its continuation points to the vexed nexus of religion and culture” (Mooney 2020, p. 10). Endogamous marriages within Punjabi Sikh diasporas depend on the intersections of gender and caste. North Indian gender practices broadly reflect the inferior social position of women, such as the honour–shame paradigm, caste hierarchies increasing marginality and the potential of other gender issues accumulating around kinship, marriage, patrilineality and patrilocality. Caste still has considerable social force and impact within the lives of SA women; however, where marginality is a factor a multiple layer of injustices can be drawn out (Mooney 2020).

In relation to women, traditional concepts of izzat (family honour) refer to modest behaviour. However, it is more concerned with the sexuality of the women (Ahmad 2006). How female members of the family conduct themselves is of the utmost importance to the male members of the family. Bad reports of a woman’s behaviour could permanently tarnish her family’s reputation; the notion of ‘what will the community say?’ feeds into gendered conceptions of how women uphold the honour of the family. These configurations can represent immutable and essentialised versions of SA women’s identities. However, Bradby (1999) argues that izzat is both gender- and context-specific and should be viewed as dynamic and evolving processes.

4. Historical Background of Bhat Sikhs

The Bhat Sikhs, as the UK’s longest established Sikh community, are of particular relevance to issues of marginalisation and exclusion, as well as having a distinct history of migration and cultural transmission. However, to date, very little research has focused on them, and studies of UK Sikhs tend to reflect the larger, more recently settled, Jat Sikh community, without taking account of Sikhs’ greater diversity (Nesbitt 2021). Previous studies on Bhat Sikhs highlight various cultural aspects such as their ethnic characteristics, close-knit community networks and adherence to their faith (see H. Singh 1977; Nesbitt 1980, p. 59; 2017; Ghuman 1980; Drury 1988; Kalsi 1992; Singh and Tatla 2006; Ballard 1972, 1994). Historically, the word ‘Bhat’ originates from the Sanskrit word ‘Bhatta’, meaning priest. According to Bhat tradition, the Bhat Sikhs were among the first disciples of Guru Nanak Dev Ji (founder of the Sikh faith and the first Sikh Guru). They were devout disciples of Sikhism and were contributors to the ‘Bhatta de Savayyes’ a collection of verses in the Sikh holy scriptures of the Guru Granth Sahib ji (H. Singh 1977). Since the Bhats lived as travelling missionaries their mobility led to them having occupations which did not depend on a settled life (H. Singh 1979).

With regard to their previous caste-name ‘Bhatra’, Nesbitt states that, over time, nomenclature itself changes, demonstrating how ‘Bhat’ is now favoured over the former designation of ‘Bhatra’ (Nesbitt 2011, p. 239). This development occurred as members of the community sought to distance themselves from any negative connotations of the word ‘Bhatra’ to such a level that the word ‘Bhat’, which they linked to the Sanskrit word ‘bhatt’, denoted both a learned brahmin and a bard. Initial migration to Britain started during the 1920s when a small group of Bhat Sikh men came as itinerant traders selling household goods and ready-made clothes door to door as peddlers (Bance 2007, p. 58). They migrated from purely rural areas of Punjab Tehsils (small districts) of Narowal and Daska, in the Zilla (large district) of Sialkot, now in present day West Pakistan (H. Singh 1977, p. 5). This correlates with Talib and Singh’s (1968, pp. 44–64) research cited in H. Singh (1977) as stated in their historical caste journals ‘Sangat Samachar’. The migration during the early 1940s of turbaned Sikhs and their families led to them becoming a tight-knit community relying on their own infrastructure. Historically there has been a multi-faceted stigmatisation of the Bhat community which has stemmed from the men’s occupation as peddlers both in India and in Britain, their lower-caste status and the validity of their common ancestry (H. Singh 1977; Nesbitt 1980). Supplementary to this, they have been identified as being ultra-conservative, very traditional, occupying a working class status and in favour of the sexual segregation of the women (Ghuman 1980, p. 316). However, this was in comparison to Jat and Ramgharia women who at that time were working in factories or in small business establishments and who wore westernised clothing. (H. Singh 1977, p. 5; Ballard 1972; Nesbitt 1980).

4.1. Caste Prejudice and Marginalising Status

In her comprehensive examination of Sikh communities in Nottingham during the 1980s, Nesbitt (1980) asserted that the aforementioned factors contributed to the Bhat Sikhs being unhesitatingly identified as lower caste. In addition, non-Bhat Sikhs replicated the criticisms high caste Hindus pass on lower caste Hindus (Nesbitt 1980, p. 143). These examples of caste-based prejudice by non-Bhat Sikhs suggests that they represented a ‘minority within a minority’ not dissimilar to the discrimination experienced by Dalits, as Adur and Narayan (2017, p. 244) describe them as a “diaspora within a diaspora”. Nesbitt (2011) noted that caste-specific migration occurred whereby once each of the different Sikh communities had settled in different parts of the UK they quickly established their own places of worship. During this time the amount of intra-ethnic mixing between each of the Sikh groups reduced due to the Sikh communities becoming slowly divided into sub-communities (Sato 2012; Kalsi 1992). In developing this point further, caste group members position themselves in relation to other castes in the system, thereby constituting ingroups and outgroups (Jaspal 2011, p. 28). Group membership, whether in higher or lower castes, contributes to a sense of belonging, which is linked to feelings of acceptance and self-esteem (Jaspal 2011, p. 31). This is an important distinction with regards to gendered caste marginality as instances of ‘othering’ were evident in earlier studies (H. Singh 1977; Nesbitt 1980). From Jaspal’s (2011) findings, a multi-level marginalisation becomes visible, experienced by the whole community, solely by men and solely by women.

Paul Ghuman’s (1980) article on Bhat Sikhs in Cardiff examined family and close-knit kinship structures, highlighting their religiosity and low status. The women were represented as being ‘traditional’ as they “all wore traditional Punjabi trouser suits”—salwar kameez (Ghuman 1980, p. 315). Ghuman’s respondents were all men, and he compared the Bhat Sikhs as a community to the Pakistani Mirpuri community in Bradford, studied by Khan (1976) and cited in Ghuman (1980), who described them as the most traditional, uneducated and poor of any Asian ethnic group (Ghuman 1980, p. 315). There is a possibility that the researcher’s own caste status and gender may have affected research results in relation to researcher bias/power dynamics toward non-Jat Sikhs, as he himself was a Jat Sikh. This point is reinforced by Kalsi (1992, p. 28) and by Singh-Raud (1997, p. 284), the latter of whom highlights the complexities of the different levels of ‘insider-ness and outsider-ness’ of Asian researchers.

Kaur-Bring (2020) asserts how Sikhs have a particular way of making sense of the world around them and that this is particularly useful when considering the personal and social significance of their religious identity. In the Sikh holy scriptures it is written that a mother’s role is as a child’s first and foremost teacher (The Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji 1963, p. 262), therefore suggesting that a Sikh woman’s role was not just a culturally accepted norm but also a religious one too. From this analysis, a Sikh mother is valued for being the generator and transmitter of tradition. Therefore, with regards to Bhat daughters, explicit compliance to both religious and ethnic tradition was adhered to through the practice of an arranged marriage around the ages of 16–18 years old (Nesbitt 1980; Jakobsh 2010). Through this perspective, a level of respectability and social prestige was gained when ‘keeping within tradition’ of the community (H. Singh 1977, 1978; Nesbitt 1980). When contextualising the role of Bhat women, Bhachu (1991b, p. 48) states, “during the early 1940s the women’s role was, and remained, fundamental in initiating the settlement process”. The importance of the first-generation women lay in the necessity of them building a foundation upon which they could successfully preserve and operationalise their religious and cultural beliefs in an unfamiliar environment and without the support of an extended family.

The women resisted assimilation and in doing so upheld ethnic boundaries, for example through their sartorial style, maintenance of traditions and proficiency in the Punjabi language which they imparted to their second-generation children (Bhachu 1991b). The above examples contributed to the gradual formation of more ‘traditional’ identities in Britain (Bhachu 1991b, p. 47). The necessity for the women at that time was to recreate a life that was similar to the one they had left behind. These women brought with them their knowledge and experience of their homeland, and due to their early migration they had a substantial number of years to lay the roots of the community compared to other Sikh groups as, at that time, they were the only Sikh community that lived in Britain (Bance 2007). From Nesbitt’s (1980, p. 70) observations, the reproduction of Bhat traditions was successfully passed down to second-generation daughters and daughters-in-law due to the high regard for the continuation of Punjabi cultural traditions regarding dress, marriage practices and their designated roles within the family. However, within British society and in the wider Sikh/Punjabi diaspora this was viewed negatively and as extremely ‘traditional’ in contrast to other non-Bhat Sikh women who were considered ‘modern’ in terms of assimilating to mainstream British culture and lifestyle. Conceptualisations of gender through Western frameworks have impeded and denied women their subjectivity (Parekh 2018) and have perpetuated reductive ‘modern-traditional’ dichotomies that theorise away their agency of cultural expression. Lazreg (1988) Mohanty (2015) Spivak (1999) Puwar (2003) and Ahmad (2003) question the usefulness of this approach and argue that it is a product of a western hegemonic discourse.

4.2. Intersectional Issues

Ahmad’s (2003, p. 59) examination of the ‘traditional-modern’ dichotomy asks where women who identify as being both traditional and modern and who acknowledge their marginalities, differences and commonalities within the social structures locate themselves. This argument is still relevant twenty-one years later, and it can arguably be perceived as a form of epistemic injustice, of trying to frame non-western cultures and their systems within western frameworks, or to express it in another way, of utilising a non-intersectional approach to intersectional issues. Understanding these women’s identities through an intersectional lens assists in unearthing intersecting forms of discrimination as women’s issues are never a single issue (Beneria 2015). Indeed, on the basis of their race, gender, caste and social class, Bhat women experienced multi-layered/quadruple discrimination. Developing this further, women from subsequent generations have inherited a marginalised status and inequities through the attachment of caste labels. This suggests that the dynamics of identity meet at a convergent point and that the layered marginality is distinctly visible under an intersectional framework which provides “new angles of vision on each system of power, from where they intersect as well as how they cross and diverge from one another” (Collins 2019, p. 28). This explains the mired positionality of Bhat women, fortified by a stereotypical configuration.

Commenting on traditional ethnic clothing, Bhachu (2004) argues, ‘for SA women, their clothes are an extension of who they are and are a symbolic form of identity, which has been passed down from their first generation mothers and something to be proud of’. From the studies conducted on Bhat women in Nottingham (Nesbitt 1980; Drury 1988, 1991) it appears that they were marginalised by non-Bhat Sikh women for having more ‘traditional’ lifestyles as opposed to their more modern ways of wearing western clothes and working outside the home. Wearing the salwaar kameez carried negative connotations synonymous with a traditional and uneducated status, not just on the part of non-Bhat women but also in the eyes of the white British majority (Drury 1988; Ghuman 1980, p. 316). The lens through which these women were judged and measured was through their willingness to anglicise their culture. In relation to their minority status, for Sikh women in Nottingham during the 80s/90s the marker of progression was based upon them assimilating to British culture.

Besides Nesbitt’s (1980) study, Beatrice Drury’s (1988, p. 181) examination of the maintenance of tradition amongst Sikhs girls in Nottingham also included research on Bhat girls, although they only constituted 20 percent of the sample size. She showed how they were more likely to be willing traditionalists than their Jat or Ramgharia peers. However, all three groups did experience racism and were more restricted than their male peers. This study is relevant as it provides evidence of change in relation to Bhat girls taking up further/higher education and employment opportunities within Nottingham during the late 1980s. It also pointed towards changing attitudes amongst some Bhat families towards their daughters working outside the home, as some girls held managerial roles in business settings. However, the main strengths of Drury’s study were that it clearly emphasised the importance of intra-caste distinctions and explored issues relating to race and gender. She also highlighted that Bhat women maintained their religious identity only because of family pressure. However, J. Singh (2016, p. 255) points out that this view overlooks the possibility that young Sikhs may themselves wish to maintain a religious identity and learn about Sikhism. These findings support the idea that Bhat women have been under-researched, and this has led to a negative assumption around their cultural agendas, educational aspirations and positionality within the diaspora.

4.3. Issues of Representation

In the work of Nesbitt (1980), Drury (1988) and H. Singh (1977), the results highlight the sexual segregation, gender inequality and isolation of the Bhat women from public spheres mainly in accordance with Bhat tradition. They remained largely unchanged by either British norms and expectations or those of the Jat or Ramgharia Sikhs. Thus, resistance to further/higher education for daughters was evident (Nesbitt 1980). Interestingly, endogamous arranged marriages between the ages of 16 and 18 years old were not uncommon in other Sikh groups; for example, autobiographical accounts of British Sikh women (see Wilson 1978; Sanghera 2007; Goyal and Singhania 2019) evidenced how Sikh daughters from the Jat community during the 1970s/80s from London, Derby and the West Midlands were married between 16 and 18 years old. Similarly, in Billy Dosanjh’s (2016) documentary ‘Sikhs in Smethwick’, he mentioned this point from the 1970s/80s. An important fact can be ascertained, namely that other Sikh communities such as the Jat Sikhs were also marrying their daughters at the same ages as Bhat Sikhs. This evidence details an example of a Punjabi social norm which was prevalent across different Sikh communities in an era when it was deemed more important (in a general sense) to retain and replicate Punjabi culture as opposed to modifying or changing it completely. Brah and Minhas (1985) argue that an overemphasis on the ethnic features of SA women’s lives such as wearing salwar kameez, arranged marriages and patriarchally led families has occupied a certain type of knowledge production (Puwar 2003, p. 26), where positive attributes of their culture become invisible. This analysis is applicable to Bhat daughters in Nottingham as Drury’s research documents how Bhat girls had undertaken employment opportunities within Nottingham during the late 1980s (1988). Although Drury’s research suggests that change was underway among Bhat women in Nottingham, other studies of Sikhs in that period did not acknowledge this development.

5. Results and Discussion

5.1. Caste Prejudice/Gendered Marginality: Interviewees’ Responses

The following excerpts reflect the openness of the participants to discussing their own positionality in relation to their families and within wider society. In relation to experiences of prejudice against their caste group, all the participants were aware of how degrading stereotypes were associated with being a ‘Bhat woman’. For example, Participants 2 and 3 expressed their disappointment with “small-minded people” who adopted caste-centric thinking. It has been previously shown that Bhat women were considered ‘traditional’ due to them being renowned for wearing the salwaar kameez and not being educated. Participants 4 and 8 diligently expressed their opinions on this issue:

I feel there’s a lot of misconceptions about… Bhat girls.. that they are hindered and held back in comparison to other groups, which is not true. I feel …we have opportunities that other people have, other girls and even boys… it’s whether or not you want to go for those opportunities. Personally as a women I don’t feel we’re confined …I feel if I’m happy to do something I will always get the support from my family

Society was different 20/30 years ago…getting a degree/masters would have held my mum back from marriage and having kids, I feel that there was a stronger emphasis on getting married, settling down, having kids

When we were growing up [in the 1980s], the differences were marked between the Bhat girls and the Jat girls, … …Jat girls wore English clothes… Bhat girls wouldn’t do that. We were seen as less modern.. the epitome of traditionality. There is definitely a stigma attached to being a part of the Bhat community

Sam (2017) states that with migration from South Asia, the caste system also travelled to different parts of the world, creating layers of heterogeneous experiences within the diaspora (Adur and Narayan 2017, p. 259). This theory supports the historical instances of prejudice that some participants experienced as reflected in the following extracts:

Ninety-five percent caste doesn’t matter but five percent still look down at you, even today.

Participant 2

Going to Sikhi camps.. years back, I feel I acknowledged that difference between Jat and the Bhat community … …I have definitely been asked, ‘What’s your surname?” Some people were quite surprised when I say I’m not Jat …. people who believe in the caste system are the ones that ask. I personally wouldn’t ask anyone… “What are you?”.

Participant 4

Participant 3 disclosed how a friendship had ended when the friend realised she was from the Bhat community:

It’s when I called her to a Gurdwara program and she asked me… “What family are you from?...which Gurdwara do you go to?”. and when I told her, she said… “I thought you were … Jat” She stopped talking to me after that. You think in this day and age people wouldn’t think like that … Sikh is Sikh, Hindu is Hindu, Muslim is Muslim, to me caste doesn’t mean anything.

A Jat lady at a party…didn’t realise I was from the Bhat community, when I told her.. she said “Oh you’re very different from the others!” I think she thought that all Bhat women are supposed to be low class.

Participant 2

I don’t believe in the caste system personally but traditionally if you go up the generations they are very much aware…. I don’t see a difference.

Participant 4

The first thing somebody used to ask when we were growing up [during the 1980s] was, “What caste are you?”.

Participant 3

5.2. Changing Attitudes towards Caste: Interviewees’ Responses

The excerpts within this section highlighted the feelings of liberation experienced through the changing landscape of the Sikh communities unifying as one, marking a turning point within the diaspora. The findings indicated that there was less of a stronghold of caste ideology amongst the majority of respondents. Participants 2, 3 and 4 strongly expressed the view that “caste doesn’t matter anymore”, whereas Participant 1 felt that it was necessary for her grandchildren and great-grandchildren to marry within their caste as this was in alignment with ‘her beliefs’. However, in relation to the rest of the participants, there was a visible movement away from caste-centric thinking. Participants 2–9 shared their views on how things had changed over time between the different communities in relation to marriage and stated that within their extended families, mixed marriages, consisting of inter-faith, inter-caste and inter-race marriages, were now a common factor and were not seen as taboo subjects. Dosanjh (2016) also documented this change within the West Midlands, and Takhar (2018, p. 304) supports this view and states that mixed-caste marriages are becoming more acceptable within the British Sikh community. From these results it would appear that the element of ‘mixed-marriages’ is one development that has contributed to transcending caste barriers.

From the data, increasing examples of cross-caste homogeneity were expressed in all participants’ answers. This was achieved through the network of all Gurdwaras and other Sikh-based organisations. For example, the seven Gurdwaras in Nottingham collectively organise major religious festivals and various social events where cross-caste attendance is a permanent occurrence (Nottingham Sikhs 2021). Other initiatives such as Guru Nanak’s Mission (GNM) prepares and serves food for the homeless twice a week and shares the responsibility of preparation over two different Gurdwaras (Guru Nanak’s Mission 2021). Moreover, the lack of representation of Nottingham Sikhs in general in providing community service, as well as the increased mixing of the different communities, led to the establishment of the Nottingham and Sikh Community and Youth Service (SCYS) in 1988, which successfully provided a diverse range of services in accordance with changing times to meet the needs of the local community (Sikh Community and Youth Services 2021). This initiative was based upon the tenets of their faith promoting an environment that “socially and spiritually enriches the community free from discrimination”, or, in other words, practising Sikhi without casteism. A senior volunteer at the SCYS explained that, ‘in setting a precedent for the whole community, the founding members of the SCYS were intentionally from different caste backgrounds, to demonstrate cohesion between the communities and to break down barriers’ (X. Singh 2023). In the same vein, the founding trustees of GNM (established in 2015) were also from different caste backgrounds (Charity Comission 2019). The significance of this and of other Sikh-based initiatives within Nottingham is that they were established independently and are not affiliated to any one specific Gurdwara but work across all seven Gurdwaras (still perdures). This is further evidenced by ‘The Nottingham Sikhs’ organisation, which is a joint project that was set up eight years ago by all seven Gurdwaras and by the SCYS. This platform is a single point of reference and open forum used by all the Sikh congregations and wider community in discussing and raising awareness of Sikh-related issues and events (Nottingham Sikhs 2021). Also more recently established, the ‘Visionary Sikhs’ are a youth organisation with the ethos of ‘uniting the Nottingham Sikh Sangat (community) to break down barriers and build a brighter future for Sikhi in Nottingham’ (Visionary Sikhs 2021). These platforms were designed as service providers in promoting services for the needs of Sikhs and in doing so provided fertile ground to nurture an anti-caste consciousness.

Participants 2–9 reported how, through attending the different Gurdwaras for various social events/programmes and volunteering opportunities (organised via the network of Sikh-based organisations), their own inter-caste friendship networks and those of their children had increased. This assisted in the weakening of caste barriers over time but at the same time strengthened religious ideology, as substantiated by Participant 4:

I feel now, there isn’t a big distinction between how people see difference, between the Bhat community and say the Jat community, so growing up I haven’t really seen a massive difference…I have just seen them as a whole community

Historically during the 1990s, there were marked differences between the Sikh communities. Thus, Participant 7 described how ‘there were different Gurdwaras for different castes’ and how ‘Jat kids had different surnames’, although she herself had not experienced caste prejudice. Participant 5 expressed a cohesiveness and ‘community feel’ between her family and Jat Sikh families. She also reflected on how she never felt ‘othered’ by non-Bhat Sikhs. Instead, she felt as if ‘everyone got on with everyone’. She also explained how differences between families did not automatically equate to caste-prejudice, and instead she suggested the notion more towards a ‘sharing of commonalities’ as opposed to ‘highlighting differences’.

Before I got married we lived in an area where there was a mix of families, some Jat, some Bhat. We were close to a lot of Jat families and we were always going round to each other’s houses. My Dad was very religious. He would always help lots of people [from different Sikh communities]…they would always ask his advice about things… I still keep in touch with most of our old neighbours as we see them at Gurdwara events.

Likewise, Participant 9 shared similar opinions about cross-caste homogeneity. She did not experience caste prejudice, but she was aware of the existence of caste hierarchies and diligently expressed her opinion on the issue of caste:

The defining factor within the caste system is the difference in norms … we’re into the new era where equality is expressed easily, and comes up in conversation a lot more… Sikhism has taught us that caste doesn’t matter… or what name you have. Everyone’s equal …the root of Sikhism is being anti-casteist…we’re given surnames Kaur and Singh to erase the caste thinking within Sikh society… But… It all depends on what ideology you buy into… for me I don’t believe in the caste system… and I have never been asked ‘what’s your surname?’.

Participant 8 highlighted the salience of caste in specific contexts, such as attending weddings, noting that “Being a part of the Bhat community… It is important but then in other ways it isn’t. She also expressed that caste does not affect her daily life in any way. Participant 6 also shared the same opinion but stated how her ‘older sister grew up in a different time’ during the 1970s where caste lines were more divided and her parents had more defined boundaries. She felt as if her sister’s upbringing and her own upbringing (in the 1990s) ‘were worlds apart’ due to cross-caste mixing and how her first-generation parents ‘had surprisingly changed with the times’. In relation to the cultural transmission of caste, Nayar’s (2004, p. 46) intergenerational research provides valuable insights into how each generation possesses a different mode of communication which can affect subsequent generations’ interpretation of the value and meaning attributed to caste. This was corroborated by respondents’ mixed views, compared to their ‘elders’, who expressed that caste was a specific code of conduct that gave meaning to every aspect of their lives. However, for younger women there was more of a fluid interpretation of ‘caste’ as three participants referred to their ‘jaat’, denoting traditions and cultural aspects. However, four participants strongly disagreed with any terminology or concept of caste being used within their lexicon as they felt the usage and practice thereof went against their faith teachings. Although all participants were aware that their surname represented their ancestral lineage, of which they were proud, two participants felt that using their surname would be a site for potential prejudice.

5.3. Changes in Cultural Practices: Marriage, Work and Education: Interviewees’ Responses

For some of the women, this was the first time that they had spoken about changes not only within their own lives but also within the lives of women in their immediate and extended families. For them this area had seen the greatest change but also denoted pride in ‘speaking about themselves and for themselves’.

Participant 1 described how her model of socialisation for her children was imperative in keeping their faith and culture at the core of their identity. This was true for the first three generations as they were all taught the importance of reciting their daily prayers, facets of Sikh history and how to sew their own clothes—a skill that they mastered and passed on to their own children. Participant 1 explained the necessity of home education for her daughters (during the 1960s/70s)—to run a house and to be capable of ‘standing on her own two feet’ as proficiently as possible. She also stated that once her children were married this would leave her contented that she had accomplished her goal of raising her family in alignment with her religious and cultural orthodoxy. They kept their traditions, but, at the same time, they laid the ‘in roads’ for subsequent generations. The findings suggested that tacit decision making was evident amongst all of the women, in terms of how they conducted their own lives or those of their daughters. Behind each decision was a congruent meaning, founded on the facets of their religious and cultural traditions. This meant that continuing education was not viewed as being as important as getting married and settling down was.

We allowed our daughters to study in school until 15/16 years old but studying in colleges and universities was not allowed. After school we got our girls married. How we were, we wanted our daughters to be the same

From this extract it is clear that daughters were seen mostly within private spheres of the home as gender roles were more clear-cut in that era. This is in alignment with Nesbitt (1980) and with how “changes in women’s education in the twentieth century had been gradual and still had remnants of ‘the home-making’ mission being the major goal of almost all women” (Zweiniger-Bargielowska 2001, p. 26). Therefore, gender differences and unequal access to educational pathways were also an issue for many white British women at that time, due to cultural and ideological factors and the continuing conflicts between employment structures and motherhood (Zweiniger-Bargielowska 2001, p. 131).

A development that precipitated great change in a vocational sense was evident from Participant 2’s husband who had benefitted from participating in the higher education system during the 1970s and in turn afforded this opportunity not only to his sons but also to his daughters during the early 1990s. Participants 2 and 3 embraced sending their daughters to university with a focus on ensuring they received a good start in their lives.

It was important to educate our daughters, we have to change with the times, everything the boy does the girl does too

Education is very important, the things that we didn’t get… we want to make sure that we give to our children

These quotations indicate changing gender roles and the acceptance of a new norm, whereas Participants 1 and 2 had different priorities and focused on their families. Even though Participants 2 and 3 were not afforded the opportunities of higher education before they were married, they ensured these types of opportunities were available for Participant 4 (who is the daughter of Participant 3 and the granddaughter of Participant 2). Meanwhile, Participant 4 had benefitted from her social environments and simultaneously remained appreciative of her opportunities. Bhachu (1991b, p. 403) asserts that young Sikh women of today are “cultural entrepreneurs who are actively engaging with their cultural frameworks, whilst at the same time they are continuously transforming them”.

Changes in cultural traditions and the discontinuation of certain traditions were executed empathetically out of respect for their elders’ ‘way of doing things’ (Nayar 2004). In other words, newer generations of women have not rejected their traditions or respect for their elders, but they are more ready to adapt to social change, thus evolving to a ‘new norm’. “Sikhs navigate the differences between Punjabi-ness, Sikhi (religious teachings) and modernity/Western society by one generation inheriting knowledge from the previous but, they are very much influenced by their society at large” (Jacobsen 2018). In the same vein, Nesbitt’s (2011) analysis supports an intersectional understanding of the gradual change that Participants 1–4 experienced. For these women, the intersections of their gender, based upon the prism of izzat, determined the ease with which they could move around socially. For example, Participants 1, 2 and 3 did not have access to studying further before they were married, as the working definition of izzat meant that, first and foremost, girls must get married. As Participant 3 stated:

My mum always used to say to us, “Whatever you want to do [going to university, working, wearing make-up] viah deh baad kari [do it after you’re married]!

Upon critical evaluation, izzat correlates to the value placed on chastity, and therefore ‘marriage is viewed as the appropriate pathway for controlling of sexuality, particularly for women’ (Ahmad 2006, p. 41). This suggests that change was sequential in terms of gradual movement within boundaries of cultural tradition and the social movement of daughters in public spheres. However, arguably, change was also stimulated through the changing nature of social and political landscapes in relation to the rising participation of women more generally in domains of employment and education within the UK at that time (Zweiniger-Bargielowska 2001). From the four interviews, a trajectory can be mapped in terms of the modality for each generation. From Participants 1, 2 and 3 (representing three generations) their answers strongly conveyed that their central role was to ‘raise and teach their children’; this was their goal. This family (during the formative years) lived in one household and influenced the cultural reproduction of religious and ethnic values, suggesting that the daughters and granddaughters of this family were raised by ‘many mothers’ in terms of the great grandmother, grandmother, older sisters and aunties all pivotally influencing the preservation of culture. This suggests that women were socialised in a way that gave them the responsibility of instilling the values and beliefs that their parents and grandparents had instilled in them. Participant 1 shared her experiences of moving through transnational borders from Punjab to Pakistan through newly partitioned India, then finally in Britain, to London and then Nottingham. It was evident from her account of the challenges of her migration experience that she had developed the quality of determination which prepared her for survival in Britain.

Participant 1 brought her own ‘personal subjectivity’ to a complex diasporic context. For example, she shared memories of how post-war life was hard in terms of not knowing the language and living in a country that was very different from her place of origin. However, she replicated her life as best she could and did not feel deterred as she only saw solutions. She was resourceful and had many skills from ‘back home’. She was of the ‘mend and make do’ generation, and the needs of her family took precedence, which was similar to many other British-born women during the post-war era (Zweiniger-Bargielowska 2001). Participant 1’s settlement history raises two important considerations: firstly, the time period over which the transmission of ethnic culture was conducted and, secondly, the number of generations of a family where the mother was at home nurturing the children. A longer period of transmission, combined with the mother being at home, may have resulted in a stronger sense of connectedness with their ethnic roots (Bhachu 1991a). Especially for Participants 1 and 2, the reasons for their strong commitment could be explained by their ethnic roots being reinforced through intergenerational households where these values were promoted and encouraged. Also, these women were full-time housewives, and they had the time to focus on their children to ensure they remained within their cultural boundaries against the backdrop of British society.

Participant 1 was not formally educated; however, she could read and write in Punjabi and was proficient in the Punjabi language. When establishing her family in Britain, she explained how she wanted to pass on her skills, knowledge and experience to her children so they could also successfully establish themselves. Participant 2 also shared how her life was dedicated to her family as at that time this was the expected norm of daughters/daughters-in-law.

Back then it was important for girls to get married …when they are settled they will have a good life… daughters needed to learn things like run a house, cooking…sewing…knitting… cleaning, look after their elders. Thee je vasjandieh, teh izzat takijandieh [if your daughter is settled at her in-laws’ house then your honour is saved] That was the main point back then].

This quotation can be interpreted in two ways: (i) the model for three generations was family-centric as opposed to promoting the individual agenda of the woman, and (ii) it was imperative in maintaining what the first two generations had achieved. Within this family, the model was pre-set for generations 1, 2 and 3 in the sense that all these women had understood their future roles and accepted that they must be married. This was more important than anything else. Moreover, this was fundamentally in conjunction with the maintenance of their izzat.

From the data, the decision-making of Participant 3 and her husband showed the greatest change of any generation in relation to their daughter (Participant 4). They excavated a pathway and afforded their daughter a university education at the age of 18; nor did they insist on her getting married. Therefore, the traditional marriage practice of previous generations had been discontinued. Simultaneously, this evidenced the changing narrative for women, modifying cultural trajectories and altering the expectations of daughters in the twenty-first century. Participant 3 and her husband felt great pride in educating their daughter and in a sense used her status as a symbol of socioeconomic mobility and at the same time the symbolic representation of izzat. This mediation of izzat is in alignment with Ahmad’s (2006) study. When discussing the topic of marriage with Participant 4, she openly shared how her parents and grandparents had both had arranged marriages, but she felt that today’s versions of arranged marriages are not as rigid as previous generations.

Arranged marriages nowadays are …more like a cupid match making thing... I feel now there isn’t so much emphasis on getting married at a young age …the emphasis is get your education first, get a nice job… know yourself as a person then get married…

The higher age of marriage and the undertaking of a university education by Participant 4 was not solely initiated at an individual level—rather it developed from the choices offered by her third-generation parents who had, in turn, been influenced by wider societal change. Increased standards of living (higher-income jobs and home ownership) were now more obtainable with a good education. Gender differences in terms of social restrictions between sons and daughters were also evident for Participants 1 and 2. Boys were allowed to go out with their friends, but the girls were not so permitted, and this is consistent with the general literature on SA women’s early socialisation. However, younger generations of women were afforded opportunities by their parents through the impact of further and higher educational avenues. This was evident for Participants 6, 7, 8 and 9 as they understood the sacrifices of previous generations and how their lives are considerably different in relation to the ability to make independent decisions about their own futures, unlike their mothers’ and grandmothers’ experience of decisions being made by the family.

It’s not ‘just’ about the umbrella of caste… my parents have provided the foundation for me to stand on my own two feet to be independent… now your choice comes first… a contrast to say 10 or 20 years ago… wider community expectations are not so important anymore.

Participant 8’s answers alluded to the limited scope of viewing an individual solely through caste-identity. Similarly, when discussing the topic of identity with Participants 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9 they stated that they have adopted more of a religious framework and are less attached to caste. Nesbitt’s (2011) theory of Sikh women navigating themselves within religious, cultural and western frameworks adds pertinence to these results. These women have created a new template for themselves, in the respect that they question previous generations’ ‘way of doing things’ and hybridise their own footprint. For example, they see themselves as possessing more ‘negotiated’ identities, that is, they have adopted British ideas about education, careers and equality while retaining respect for their religious and ethnic heritage.

Bradby (1999) argues that female honour may be mediated either through a positive assertion of religion or through professional employment. She elaborates how there are multiple sites where izzat can be mediated: through high grades in school, the social prestige of achieving a high-earning job or becoming a baptised Sikh. In explaining change over time in relation to the choices women have made, it appears that ‘izzat’ begins to absorb elements of British stratification and values, and thus the conception changes. In her study of Muslim women who studied at degree level, Ahmad (2006) found this to be the case whereby second-generation parents took great pride in their daughters’ educational achievements. This correlates with the data from Participants 2, 3 and 5, who opposed traditional cultural norms of marrying daughters at an early age but instead supported them in pursuing a career or a university degree. Participants 6, 7, 8 and 9 expressed how they had benefitted from having supportive parents who realised the necessity and importance of a good education. The main reasons that the women of the second and third generations pushed for their children to achieve academically was to ensure that they would be financially secure for the future and not endure the struggles that they themselves had experienced.

In simple terms, for my participants within this locality, things changed for them because of what had occurred in previous generations. However, emphasising the fact that this is a case study, to argue a teleological analysis for all Sikh women in Nottingham would be inaccurate. More research is needed before it can be assumed and generalised that this is a widespread development, that tradition has evolved in the specific way it has. Despite the small number of participants, this case study provides a strong indication of those areas where change has been positive, while fully realising that history is not linear, but nor is it static.

5.4. Symbolic Significance of Their Traditional Clothing: Interviewees’ Responses

This section provided the deepest insight into representations of ethnic and cultural identity: how the women felt when wearing traditional clothing. These quotes were chosen to demonstrate the complexities of addressing women as being ‘one’ or the ‘other’—traditional or modern—based upon their sartorial style. When discussing the issue of traditional clothes, Participants 1, 2, 3 and 4 said that for them the salwaar kameez was symbolic of their culture and of personal respect and that they wore it with pride. Participants 1 and 2 especially felt their clothes were an extension of their izzat, not just for their family but more importantly for themselves.

I think it was like a barrier to prevent us from forgetting our culture…we were proud of our identity……

I don’t feel… uncomfortable wearing a salwar kameez……my salwar kameez represents my culture and it’s something I have embraced more as I’ve gotten older.

Against the pressures of assimilation to an anglicised life-style, it took great courage for these women to keep to their traditions and culture, despite being pigeon-holed as being subaltern to other Sikh women during the 1980s. In her cogent analysis of the application of western concepts to non-western groups, Ahmad (2003, p. 58) argues that “ to be ‘educated’ and SA…is to be ‘Westernised’ modern and secular…to be ‘traditional’ is to be ‘uneducated’ and backward”. This type of binary definition has explained away the cultural diversity of individual families and hidden the heterogeneity of British Sikh women. Furthermore, Ahmad (2003, p. 58) argues, “ultimately, the only route to achieving success is for women to ‘turn their backs on their religion and culture’.” By contrast, Participants 3 and 4 felt that they had embraced both their ethnic and British identities as they felt comfortable and confident in navigating both public and private spheres. In other words, their identity encompasses a multitude of identities. They value their ethnic heritage and simultaneously their British Asian identity. Whether they wear western or Punjabi clothes they feel pride in both regardless of the environment. This means not turning their backs on their religion and culture as they feel they don’t have to reject one part of their identity to accept another. For them, it is more of an amalgamation of identities as the participants feel that they have the ‘best of both worlds’.

In Bhachu’s critical analysis of ethnic clothing, she argues that the Punjabi suit is negatively coded as these women combat racism and at the same time are redefining both Asian and British identities (2004). She further argues that mothers have played a central role in giving daughters a “sense of ethnic pride and a sense of ourselves on our own terms”. Women were ingenious being able to keep their culture, maintain their cultural systems and not depend on anyone to make their own clothes (Bhachu 2004). This accords with the answers of all of the participants in my study, but it was viewed as a negative attribute by their diaspora. Participant 6 remembers how there were stark differences between some Bhat and Jat girls during the 1990s.

Because you’re from that [Bhat] caste is that why you have to wear those type of clothes?

6. Conclusions

The findings from the small scale qualitative study suggested that a varying degree of caste-related experiences was evident as individual experiences of caste prejudice were not consistent and took different forms. This indicated that not every Bhat woman is marginalised on the basis of caste or subscribes to casteist ideologies. This was reflected in their multi-faith/caste/race friendship groups whereby caste prejudice did not feature in domains of their work or in educational settings. For the majority of the participants, it was possible for them to self-identify as being Bhat in a cross-caste setting without being adversely affected. Caste divisions have decreased through the increase of cross-caste mixing through the network of Sikh-based organisations and initiatives within Nottingham, which started in the late 1980s and continues to this day. In the case of the first- and second-generation participants, however, caste had been an integral part of their upbringing, constituting the reasoning behind their motives in all aspects of family life, as reflected in the practices of endogamy. Therefore, their identity reflected the intertwining of both ethnic and religious tradition. A small number of anecdotal accounts highlighted that caste biases sometimes appeared at the time of marriage, where some Bhat and non-Bhat families preferred to arrange marriages within their own caste groups. By contrast, the third- and fourth-generation participants felt that caste was not a constant part of their consciousness nor was it integral to their life choices as in previous generations as it represented their cultural lineage as opposed to an immutable code of conduct. Caste consciousness was something tangible and adhered to by older participants; however, casteist ideologies had driven younger participants towards more religious frameworks, advocating an anti-caste consciousness. Where it was once quite normal to have more formal lines of separation between Sikh communities based upon caste, the contours of difference have been blurred with more focus given to the tenets of Sikhism. Another central finding was that all participants strongly expressed that prejudice against this community had seen a gradual decline over the generations, and they also expressed the view that caste did not have an impact on their everyday lives. This is not to say that this paper advocates a “post-caste” analysis as there are more complex ways in which caste biases are carried out as the representation of ‘caste’ through the interviewees’ answers, reflecting the contradictory and problematic nature of caste but also at the same time a complex moment of understanding. On the one hand, caste identity gives a sense of belonging, and on the other it can be used as a tool of inferiorisation and prejudice. Despite the hopeful advances reflected through these generations, casteism in a global sense will still remain a challenge within Sikh communities.

In this paper I have outlined the underlying assumptions and binaries that have marked many of the studies of the Sikh diasporic community, in particular those of the Bhat community, in order to make a timely and necessary assertion that research needs to explore the formation of identity through an intersectional framework in order to properly understand the process through which gender and caste are formed and internalised and also challenged and developed. This article makes three salient contributions and shows the importance of variables and contextual factors within a locality. Firstly, it interrupts long-standing conceptualisations of Bhat women through illuminating their narrative and in doing so refutes the domination of persistent representations or rationalisation over theirs. Politically for these women their ‘ethnicity is more than the mere sum of characteristics’ and has given rise to a particular ‘ethnic consciousness’ (H. Singh 1977, p. 2) where their ethnicity is deeply valued and viewed as an asset despite being judged out of context or from a western cultural perspective. Secondly, results from the data show a weakening of caste identity and a strengthening of religious identity. Through the awareness of an ‘inherited marginalised status’ participants had not internalised marginalising feelings but instead recognised their faith as being the foremost marker of their identity. Thirdly, the existence of a network of Sikh-based organisations within this locality led to great changes for all the Sikh communities living in Nottingham. The formalisation and operationalisation of these initiatives within the locality were pivotal in creating solidarity between communities and in transcending caste barriers. Their successful template lay in functioning independently but working across all Gurdwaras. They were intentionally designed to practice ‘Sikhi without casteism’, which increased cross-caste mixing, positively shaped the cultural life of the communities and revolutionised their diasporic experience.