The Chronicler’s Portrayal of Monotheism: Yhwh Among Other Gods and Its Didactic Impact on the Yehud Community
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. Debating Monotheism: Scholarly Perspectives and the Marginalization of Chronicles
3. Reframing Monotheism: The Chronicler’s Portrayal of Yhwh
4. Chronicles’ Didactic Impact on Yehud Community
4.1. The Chronicler’s Literary Strategy and Its Engagement with Authoritative Texts
Ben Zvi’s observation demonstrates that the Chronicler strategically shaped his book and expected his readers to engage with it actively (i.e., heuristic reading).[W]hereas the persuasive social function of the individual accounts in Chronicles may explain their seemingly unequivocal, universal claims, the cumulative effect of the implications or implicatures of the different accounts provided the community with an interpretative and qualifying key to understand their true message. The community may have read and learned separate accounts and may have abstracted from them theological or ideological lessons, but eventually the community read and learned the entire book, and lessons were integrated and reinterpreted according to the emerging pattern, a pattern in which a sense of proportion and balance was much at the forefront[Emphasis original].
4.2. The Socio-Historical Influence on the Chronicler’s Theological Strategy
There was an influx of the Persians into the community, and this physical contact could have brought continual cultural-religious impact upon the community… [T]here could be a possible threat to the shaping of Israel’s identity if the distinctiveness of Yhwh and Israel’s religion was not revealed to the audience. In this regard, the community needed to maintain the correct perception of divinity…
4.3. A Case Study in the Chronicler’s Didactic Strategy: Refining the Perception of Yhwh
5. Conclusions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Conflicts of Interest
1 | For the history and development of the scholarly understanding of the notion of monotheism, see MacDonald (2003, pp. 5–21). |
2 | Unless otherwise noted, this essay uses the NASB (1995) version. |
3 | This essay recognizes various interpretations regarding whether the given passage refers to the existence of only one Yhwh. In other words, it acknowledges that the examples provided in the passage remain subjects of interpretative debate. For instance, Woods (2016, pp. 179–82) provides a list of different views on “Yhwh is one” (יהוה אחד) in Deut. 6.4. Heiser (2008, pp. 1–30) challenges the traditional view that Israelite religion evolved from polytheism to monotheism. He argues that biblical passages acknowledging the existence of other gods are not merely traces of polytheism or rhetorical devices. He argues that one does not necessarily have to deny the phrase “there is no other god besides” in Deuteronomy as an acknowledgment of the existence of other gods. Instead, it could indicate the supreme position of Yhwh over other divine beings. Heiser proposes a more nuanced understanding of Israelite theology, acknowledging a divine council under Yahweh’s supreme rule—a view that persists in late biblical and Second Temple Jewish literature. Nathan MacDonald’s (2003) work could be considered one of the groundbreaking studies on monotheism. MacDonald re-examines the concept of monotheism in Deuteronomy, arguing that the book emphasizes Israel’s devotional relationship with Yhwh over the ontological exclusivity centered on Deut. 6.4. He argues that “Yahweh is one” is a call for the people of Israel to choose Yhwh as their “one and only” by emphasizing love and commitment rather than abstract concepts. He critiques modern definitions of monotheism as inadequate for understanding the biblical text’s emphasis on covenantal relationship. He also connects this relational monotheism to themes of election, memory, and idolatry, offering insights into Deuteronomy’s theological vision. For a summary of the Israelites’ history of idolatry and their struggle against it in the OT, see McDowell (2021, pp. 3–4). |
4 | For research concerning monotheism in the field of the OT, see Section 2 below; Lynch (2018, pp. 340–48). |
5 | Note that in the field of Chronicles studies, scholars have not reached a consensus on the date of Chronicles. However, the book is generally considered one of the last books of the OT to be written, and its date varies among scholars, with a suggested time span of 600 BCE to 200 BCE (Japhet 1993, p. 24). Samuel–Kings often focus on divine judgment through Israel’s history, presenting a fatalistic and tragic view of the monarchies. This narrative emphasizes themes of judgment for sin and accumulation of guilt, with fewer instances of blessing and restoration compared to Chronicles. Samuel–Kings portray Israel’s unfaithfulness primarily as idolatry and a failure to keep God’s statutes, while also demonstrating how divine causal laws operate over larger measures of time and multiple generations. Some scholars have attempted to understand Chronicles through the concept of a Re-Written Bible, which serves as one approach to explaining its literary and interpretative function (Knoppers 2008, pp. 129–30). While this concept lacks a precise definition among scholars, it generally assumes that Chronicles is an authoritative text incorporating interpretative elements. This perspective relates to Chronicles’ Sondergut (its unique material) and highlights that the book contains independent content not derived from its Vorlage. Accordingly, the modifications in Chronicles—such as editing, additions, and omissions—should not be seen as mere textual alterations but rather as theological editing/composition that reflects its theological intent. |
6 | Chronicles emphasizes the centralization of worship at the Jerusalem Temple and condemns idolatry. See Lynch (2014). The community not only could have observed the tension in the text and questioned Yhwh’s position but also needed to respond to questions from their neighbors. Ps. 79.10 says “Why should the nations say, ‘Where is their God?’” Ps. 115.2 writes “Why should the nations say, “Where, now, is their God?” |
7 | Thus, one may claim that Chronicles is situated in the transitional period toward monotheism (Wainwright 2021). |
8 | Ideology refers to how the Chronicles’ readers understand the Persian world surrounding them, which affects the relationship between Yhwh and his people. See Japhet (2009, pp. 5, 8). Chronicles reflects the reality of the Yehud community. The book’s message is designed to encourage readers to overcome their vulnerable circumstances and hope for a better future. See Kim (2021), particularly chap. 4, where the socio-historical context of the Yehud community is discussed. For the polytheistic ideology of the Persian world, see Mark (2019). Also, Persian ideology refers to the religious and political worldview primarily employed by the rulers of the Achaemenid Empire to legitimize their authority and administer the empire. |
9 | The central premise of this study is that Chronicles was written during the Persian period. While there is no scholarly consensus regarding its exact date, this study leans toward the Persian period as the context for Chronicles based on several clues in the book. For instance, there are references to Persian elements such as Cyrus’s decree (2 Chron. 36.23) and the use of Persian terms like the daric (1 Chron. 29.7; Kalimi 2005, pp. 41–42). In contrast, no apparent signs of Hellenistic influence appear in the text, whether in direct references or linguistic features. The Davidic genealogy in 1 Chron. 3.17–24, despite interpretive challenges regarding the number of generations, most likely places the book’s composition in 400–350 BCE. This aligns with Yehud’s socio-political context under Persian rule and its efforts to preserve religious and cultural identity (Williams and Pearson 2024, pp. 39–40). |
10 | Regarding the learned knowledge, it refers to the knowledge obtained from the authoritative texts that eventually constitute the Hebrew Bible. The post-exilic community likely possessed more than one manuscript. Note that the term “authoritative texts” in this context does not presume the existence of a finalized canon in the Persian period. The concept of “authoritative texts” as Scripture might have been more fluid, encompassing essential religious writings recognized within the Yehud community. |
11 | This essay uses the term “idol” to refer to a graven image that ancient people believed represented the living presence of gods in the ANE context. |
12 | For instance, scholars may view the date and authorship of Isaiah differently (e.g., Single-, Deutero-, and Trito-Isaiah), and from an evolutionary point of view (i.e., the historical development of religious ideas), the issue of dating plays a significant role in the discussion of monotheism. If one accepts single authorship, then Isaiah’s case differs from Chronicles in terms of date. Isaiah is generally dated much earlier than Chronicles. Thus, in the scholarly discussion of the emergence and development of monotheism, Isaiah and Chronicles occupy different positions. If one considers multiple authorship, then the date of some portions of Isaiah would be closer to Chronicles. Yet, Isaiah’s case is still slightly different from that of Chronicles, as Isaiah’s voice on “God alone” is more robust (especially chaps. 40–48) than that of Chronicles. McDowell (2021, pp. 3–4); Albani (2020, pp. 219–48); Wenthe (2007, pp. 57–70); Lynch (2014, p. 31). |
13 | |
14 | MacDonald (2003, pp. 35–36) summarizes this scholarly debate: “Albright’s argument appears to work on the (unstated) assumption that if all the elements apart from belief in one God are present, then the final element must be present too. For Meek and Rowley, if belief in only one God is not explicit, there is no claim to the title ‘monotheist’ [Moses]”. |
15 | |
16 | See pp. 66–80 for a detailed introduction to scholarly efforts on Israel’s religion and monotheism. Lemaire (2007, p. 112) builds on Albertz’s work with a modified theory, arguing for “old provincial Yahwism” and “new universal Yahwism”. |
17 | van der Toorn (1993) insists that Yhwh was worshiped as the state god of Israel by Saul. |
18 | One could consider organizing prior research thematically to present a more structured discussion. A possible classification might involve studies on the origins and development of monotheism (Wellhausen, Albright), studies that seek to redefine the concept of monotheism (Albertz, Kaufmann), and studies that discuss Chronicles or related texts in connection with monotheism (Lynch, Frevel). However, adopting such an approach would require justifying why Chronicles fits within a particular category, which would inevitably lead back to discussing the diachronic development of monotheism. The study of monotheism in Chronicles—though relatively limited—has progressed in tandem with broader research on the history of Israelite religion. Given this reality, viewing Chronicles within the broader trajectory of Old Testament monotheism studies provides a more meaningful context for understanding the current state of monotheism research in Chronicles. |
19 | Although scholarly discussion on monotheism has mainly focused on its origin, this essay does not address that issue directly. Instead, it attempts to analyze Chronicles’ literary strategy. Thus, this study can be regarded as one of the more recent approaches to this subject. Now, if one acknowledges the evolutionary development of monotheism, the Chronicler’s recognition of other gods presents a challenge, especially considering its relatively late date of composition. In this case, one may ask whether the proper term for describing the Israelites’ belief in Chronicles is not monotheism but henotheism or monolatry; however, this approach has already been ruled out in the introduction. Conversely, suppose one argues that the Israelites consistently believed in the sole existence of Yhwh among other gods from an early period. In that case, the Chronicler’s acknowledgment of other gods still poses a problem and requires an explanation of the Chronicler’s strategy. |
20 | Lynch (2014, pp. 20–21) even says that “Monotheism is not simply a religious ‘stage’ that a given body of literature does or does not achieve. Instead, monotheism is part of a broad rhetorical strategy at work in the book of Chronicles…to emphasize ways that Israel’s institutions embody Yhwh’s character and qualities”. This implies that the Chronicler’s presentation of monotheism can engage with the socio-historical context of the readers. |
21 | Lynch (2014, p. 27) defines monotheism as “the assertion of Yhwh’s categorical supremacy (or supreme uniqueness)”. |
22 | I appreciate Dr. Joshua E. Williams for sharing his unpublished paper with me. When I heard his presentation, I immediately realized that it would greatly benefit the development of my current research. |
23 | Thompson and Widder (2016) say that “Prototype theory, developed by Eleanor Rosch in the 1970s, explains that categories have central examples, or prototypes, which best represent them. For instance, a robin might be the prototype for a ‘bird’ in the American Midwest. This concept extends to grammar, where some verbs, like ‘hit,’ are considered more prototypically transitive than others, such as ‘teach,’ due to their dynamic and concrete effects on an object. Prototypes act as reference points, helping people understand less clear examples within a category”. See also Rosch (1978). |
24 | Heiser (2008, pp. 4–5) made a similar observation on “the God” (האלהים), though he does not mention Chronicles, focusing primarily on Deuteronomy. Yet, he argues that “the God” refers not to the only God, but to the supreme God (i.e., without rival). |
25 | Note that in the Hebrew construct chain, when the absolute state is in a definite state, other nouns in the construct state are also definite. However, definiteness in construct chains does not necessarily indicate identity with Yhwh, “the” God. The meaning of אֱלֹהֵי (“gods of”) depends on the context, as it can still refer to multiple deities rather than the unique God of Israel. |
26 | Note that both Lev. 19.4 and Isa. 2:8 write אלילים. |
27 | The scriptural evidence is given in Jn. 1.45: “Philip found Nathanael and said to him, ‘We have found him of whom Moses in the Law and also the Prophets wrote—Jesus of Nazareth, the son of Joseph.’” The passage suggests that Philip and his contemporaries shared the same Scripture, and some could interpret the message and arrive at the same conclusion [Emphasis added]. |
28 | See Ben Zvi (2003, p. 61): “The shared historical memory of the author and first readers of Chronicles included many ‘facts’ about which there was no dispute”. Recent scholarship suggests a probability that Samuel–Kings and Chronicles stem from different sources, produced by distinct scribal groups, rather than originating from a single tradition that prioritized one over the other. While the MT is often considered Chronicles’ Vorlage, some scholars argue that it may have drawn from alternative traditions, as seen in the Targum, LXX, and DSS, easing tensions between their differing accounts (Knoppers 2008, pp. 129–30; Person 2007, pp. 315–16). However, even if the Chronicler’s Vorlage was not the MT and reflected a different version of Samuel and Kings, it does not negate the possibility that readers of Chronicles in the Persian period could still compare Chronicles with those alternative versions of Samuel and Kings. |
29 | The members of the post-exilic community, especially in the reconstruction and maintenance of their community (e.g., identity formation), experienced discontinuity with their past. The textual sources could help them to remember their past and bridge the community’s past and present (Kim 2021; Jonker 2016, pp. 201–6). Stephen Dempster (Dempster [2003] 2012, pp. 23–24) points out that ancient documents, including biblical books, were organized, arranged, and stored according to a certain logical or conceptual order. Due to limited or underdeveloped recording systems, ancient people were restricted to writing on scrolls and, therefore, could not produce books like those of the modern day. However, the physical separation among documents does not imply that they lack conceptual unity. |
30 | While the question regarding the impact of Chronicles as an authoritative text on the community is ultimately unanswerable, Pajunen (2017, pp. 565–84) believes that during the third century BCE, Chronicles was likely among the most influential text for the community. |
31 | The current study deals with three authoritative sources. The first is Chronicles, which functions didactically for its readers. The second is its Vorlage, the authoritative source of Chronicles, which ensures that its readers accept Chronicles as a reliable account of history to share with other members of the community (Ben Zvi and Edelman 2011, “Introduction”). The third is other authoritative texts, which provide readers with learned knowledge regarding Yhwh’s position in the universe. In this particular argument, the concept of authority becomes essential, as it is one of the core elements in creating rhetorical impetus. In other words, one may ask if Chronicles adopts authoritative sources (i.e., its Vorlage) and modifies them—whether by editing, omitting, or adding material—does this create ambiguity for readers regarding which texts hold greater authority, particularly when contradictions arise? But in ancient thought, the reinterpretation or reworking of authoritative sources neither diminishes the authority of the original source (e.g., the Vorlage) nor that of the newly created texts (e.g., Chron.). Markus Asper et al. (2016, p. 395) state that “Historicization and the addition of genealogies are not associated with a loss of authority for the texts or traditions in question. On the contrary, it may be that the ancient Judaism’s authoritative texts or texts that established authority survived precisely because they were continually reframed from a historical point of view and adapted to new cultural or religious contexts”. |
32 | The sources considered authoritative include the Torah, Samuel–Kings, the Prophets, oral traditions, etc. (e.g., genealogies). Chronicles emphasizes the observance of the Mosaic Law (e.g., 1 Chron. 22), documents the reigns of Israel’s kings (e.g., 1 Chron. 9.1; 2 Chron. 16.11), and highlights the words and deeds of prophets such as Nathan, Gad, and Ahijah. It also possibly adopts their works (e.g., Jer. 25.11–12; 29.10 and 2 Chron. 36.21; Jer. 31.31–34 and 2 Chron. 36:15–23; Jer. 52 and 2 Chron. 36.11–21). The question of whether readers of Chronicles had access to authoritative texts beyond its Vorlage leads to a broader issue: which texts were available to the post-exilic community? A few matters need to be considered or noted. First, it is technically impossible to determine the exact list and types of texts the post-exilic community possessed. Second, regardless of this reality, it does not undermine the current argument. The book of Chronicles was most likely written during the very last phase of the formation of Hebrew Scripture. Thus, whatever texts existed in the community, the members of Yehud, at least the elite, likely had access to them. Third, nevertheless, scholarly agreement (e.g., Japhet 1993, pp. 25–30, esp. 27; Ben Zvi 2006) exists on the fact that the socio-historical reality of the Yehud community supports that the community was able to access the authoritative texts. For instance, as Neh. 8:1–8 writes, the post-exilic worship practices centered on the Torah, with public readings reinforcing its authority. |
33 | This becomes much clearer when the Hebrew canon is closed in later days. The book of Chronicles is placed in the Ketuvim section alongside wisdom literature, which serves a didactic purpose. Even positioned as the very last book in the Hebrew Bible, Chronicles looks over the entire OT and exhibits homiletic and didactic tones. David Smith (2001, p. 29) writes that “Both [Brueggemann and Spina] focus on the OT’s basic divisions, including Torah, Prophets, and Writings. Each kind of writing is explored for its basic pedagogical mode. Thus, to give an outrageously brief summary, the Torah offers instruction in what is authoritatively known in the narratives that ground the community’s identity. The Prophets, while grounded in and constantly appealing to the Torah, bring a disruptive poetic challenge to see and hear anew, to embrace radical reformation. The Writings are more exploratory and ambiguous—instead of ‘Thus says the Lord,’ we have ‘consider the ant’—we are invited to find meaning in experience and in creation and to embrace the mystery at the heart of both”. For Chronicles’ homiletic and didactic function, see Hahn (2012, p. 2); Ben Zvi (2006, pp. 44–45); Ackroyd (1973, p. 27) and Allen (1987, p. 20) note that the message of Chronicles is pastoral or preacher-like. |
34 | The extent to which Zoroastrianism influenced the beliefs of the Yehud community (or vice versa) remains in question, and it is difficult to determine the precise degree of influence. However, scholars generally acknowledge the impact of Zoroastrianism (Muesse 2013, p. 32). The existence of a relationship between the two has rarely been questioned. Murphy (2012, p. 15) and Yamauchi (1998, “The Persians”) argue that the influence of Zoroastrianism is evident in aspects such as dualism, the periodization of history, heaven and hell, and apocalypticism. Y. K. Lee (2023, pp. 41–73, esp. 46) states that “The issue now is not whether Zoroastrianism influenced Judaism, but rather, to what degree it did so” (translated into Eng. by the current author). See Grabbe (2004, pp. 361–64); Barr (1985, pp. 206–8) See also the note 38. |
35 | While the Yehud community could have been exposed to Zoroastrian ideas, the Chronicler does not simply adopt Zoroastrian dualism in his depiction of Yhwh. For instance, whereas the Zoroastrian creation narrative presents a dualistic struggle between Ahura Mazda and Angra Mainyu, the Chronicler affirms Yhwh as the sole and absolute creator. In Genesis, Yhwh alone brings the cosmos into order without opposition (Gen. 1.1–3), and Chronicles resonates with this view by portraying Yhwh’s sovereignty over all creation (1 Chron. 16.26; 2 Chron. 2.12). In other words, the Chronicler exhibits an exclusive monotheism, emphasizing that all power and authority reside solely in Yhwh instead of engaging in Zoroastrian dualism. |
36 | Kim (2021) emphasizes the Chronicler’s intent. He explains that the Chronicler sought to shape the post-exilic community into a liturgical community, whose key elements include a monotheistic perspective (i.e., Yhwh as Israel’s unique and supreme God). Kim further explains how the Chronicler enlightens his readers to understand this desired vision, invites them to participate in it, and ultimately leads them to adopt the appropriate roles and characteristics to bring about a better community. |
37 | There is no fixed scholarly consensus on Persian religion, as recent trends attempt to view it through the lens of multi- or blended religious ideologies beyond Zoroastrianism (Lincoln 2013). However, the view that Zoroastrianism played a dominant role in shaping Persian ideology remains prevalent in scholarly discourse. Refer to Mary Boyce (1982, 2001); Duchesne-Guillemin (1974); Gnoli (1974); Martin Schwartz (1985). |
38 | Note that scholars have often approached the relationship between the Achaemenid rulers and Zoroastrianism in binary terms, raising the question of whether they adhered strictly to Zoroastrian traditions. More recent research has begun to discuss the possibility that the Achaemenid religion was shaped by a blend of influences, including Zoroastrian beliefs, Elamite practices, Indo-Iranian traditions, and other elements from ancient Near Eastern religions. For instance, the Persepolis Fortification Tablets reveal a multifaceted religious identity that resisted simple categorization (Lincoln 2013, pp. 253–54). |
39 | Silverman argues that Nehemiah 8 could serve as possible evidence of Persian influence on public ceremonies and religious practices. |
40 | Kim (2021, pp. 130–31) addresses some of the similarities between biblical teachings and Persian ideology. “[H]istory as a deity’s field to accomplish the divine will is similar in the biblical and Persian views. Also, for Zoroastrianism, purity laws took a significant position in the Persians’ religious practices. Similarly, the purification of the community became a critical matter for maintaining their worship practices and everyday lives (e.g., Ezra 9:10–12; Neh 13:1–3). In addition, both the biblical tradition and Zoroastrianism showed interest in divine wisdom. In Persian religion, the Persians referred to their god Ahura Mazda as the Wise Lord, while in the biblical tradition, for instance, the Chronicler notes that wisdom—which makes it possible for Solomon to build the temple and Huram-abi to support this king—originated from Yhwh (2 Chr 1:7–17; 2:11–12)”. Although this essay does not agree with everything (e.g., sources critical approach) that Itamar Kislev (2024, pp. 225–44) says, he argues about Zoroastrianism’s potential influence on the concept of fire in the ritual ceremony. Both Yahwism and Zoroastrianism considered fire to be a significant element in rituals. |
41 | McClellan (2022, pp. 11, 12. See also p. 14) refers to “intuitive cognition” in casual terms, such as “quick, automative, linked to the mind’s default setting”. The term, coupled with intuitive cognition, is reflective cognition, which often responds to the counter concept and attempts to resolve the conflict. See also the following further explanation: “[O]ur minds mediate our perception of the world around us, and this extends to our senses… but even to how we think about ourselves and the world around us… This leads to an important insight: our perception and experience of the world is the result not just of the passive processing of stimuli, but also a projection of experience”. |
42 | McClellan (2022, p. 50) says that “[C]oncepts of deity originate in intuitions about unseen agency in the world around us… there is no analytically useful way to draw a firm line of distinction between what is and what is not a deity in an ancient society”. |
43 | In Hebrew Scripture, this expression extensively appears in the late dated books (e.g., Ezra., Neh., Dan.) except Gen. 24.3, 7. |
44 | Nehemiah 8 provides a compelling example of how the post-exilic community engaged with authoritative texts. The passage describes the public reading and interpretation of the Torah, during which the people weep upon hearing the words of the Law (Neh. 8.9) and respond with renewed commitment to its observance (8.13–18). This passage highlights the didactic function of authoritative texts in shaping the community’s religious identity. Torah in Nehemiah’s time was read aloud and interpreted to the people, prompting them to internalize and act upon its teachings. The communal reaction in Nehemiah 8 suggests that Chronicles’ audience may have engaged with the text in a similar way. Chronicles reinforced monotheistic beliefs and discouraged syncretism as it was read and received within the community. This implies that the book is not merely a historical record but also a rhetorical and theological guide for the Yehud community. |
45 | Although this essay does not agree with everything Morton Smith says, he argues for a similar idea—that the concept of monotheism can be viewed as a “reaction” to the monotheistic ideas of Zoroastrianism. See Smith (1963, p. 420); Lee (2023, p. 47) |
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Kim, K. The Chronicler’s Portrayal of Monotheism: Yhwh Among Other Gods and Its Didactic Impact on the Yehud Community. Religions 2025, 16, 412. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040412
Kim K. The Chronicler’s Portrayal of Monotheism: Yhwh Among Other Gods and Its Didactic Impact on the Yehud Community. Religions. 2025; 16(4):412. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040412
Chicago/Turabian StyleKim, Kiyoung. 2025. "The Chronicler’s Portrayal of Monotheism: Yhwh Among Other Gods and Its Didactic Impact on the Yehud Community" Religions 16, no. 4: 412. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040412
APA StyleKim, K. (2025). The Chronicler’s Portrayal of Monotheism: Yhwh Among Other Gods and Its Didactic Impact on the Yehud Community. Religions, 16(4), 412. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040412