English Immersion as Family Language Policy in Spanish Households: Agentive Practices and Emotional Investments

Abstract

This article explores English immersion as a type of family language policy in the Spanish region of Castilla-La Mancha. Although the field of family language policy (FLP) has exponentially grown in the last decade to include a range of multilingual contexts across the world, the policies regarding the use of English in monolingual Spanish households have received little attention. Due to the global spread of English, Spanish families invest in their children’s language education by maximizing opportunities for exposure to English inside and outside the home. This sociolinguistic ethnography of a group of 15 monolingual Spanish families with no to advanced English proficiency explores the interplay of English language ideologies, language socialization practices, and emotional investments in narratives of language experiences. This article discusses the enactment of agency among these families to sustain English immersion, which is driven by families’ English learning trajectories, professional development identities, and affective stances shaping lived experiences with English. Two main research questions organize this article: (1) How do Spanish families envision, manage, and implement English immersion practices? (2) How do these English immersion policies shape the sociolinguistic order at home and beyond for their children? Based on the findings provided by narratives of language experiences among these families, this study addresses the tensions and dilemmas related to English immersion in the field of family language policy.

1. Introduction

In recent years, the fervent pursuit of English language proficiency has swept across Spain, captivating families from different socioeconomic backgrounds. This surge, often referred to as “English frenzy”, denotes a widespread enthusiasm and dedication to mastering the English language beyond mere educational requirements. One of the most obvious examples of Spaniards’ investments in English has been the extensive implementation of CLIL-type Spanish/English bilingual education programs in the 17 autonomous regions of the Spanish state. This model of bilingual education has been approached by Spanish and international researchers from different educational and applied linguistic perspectives, using a variety of research methodologies and involving crucial stakeholders that form a growing community of bilingual education experts and practitioners. For example, since 2017, the Spanish Association of Bilingual Education (EBSpain) has garnered growing interest among foreign language researchers, teachers, and lay citizens in each of its annual meetings. This burgeoning interest among Spanish families in English language acquisition from early childhood, even extending to prenatal stages, has also been commercially capitalized upon by certain English language schools or academies throughout Spain. Similar to other international contexts, the pervasive English frenzy, sustained by the ideology of the “promise of English” (Park 2010, 2011), has propelled these families to adopt various family language policies (Curdt-Christiansen 2018; King et al. 2008), fostering and sustaining English immersion spaces for their children.

This article explores the multifaceted phenomenon of the English frenzy in Spain by analyzing English immersion as a type of family language policy sustained by desires, anxieties, and future investments related to the omnipresent role of English in Spanish families. Drawing from narrative data collected as part of an international project on English immersion practices among middle and upper-middle-class families from the south-central (Castilla-La Mancha) and north-east (Catalonia) autonomous communities of Spain, as well as transnational families residing in Southampton and Bristol, U.K., this article discusses two main research questions. RQ1: How do Spanish families envision, manage, and implement English immersion practices? RQ2: How do these English immersion policies shape the sociolinguistic order at home and beyond for their children? By understanding narratives of language experiences as key discursive sites for the enactment of agency and the deployment of affective stances related to the role of English in the families under study, this study contributes to the well-established field of family language policy in underexplored monolingual contexts, where English has become the default aspirational language organizing family life.

This article is structured as follows. First, it provides an overview of the literature concerning English immersion as a family language policy, the English frenzy phenomenon, and bilingual parenting. Then, it contextualizes the data set from the Spanish region of Castilla-La Mancha. Following this, it introduces the data collection methods with a focus on how narratives were elicited in ethnographic interviews. Finally, our results highlight the agentive role of families in providing English immersion spaces for their children, as well as the emotional stances related to these decisions. The conclusions underscore the importance of further examining the role of English as a global language within the context of family life, both locally and in transnational settings.

2. English Immersion as Family Language Policy

The field of family language policy (FLP) has exponentially increased since the seminal article by King et al. (2008) defined this concept for the first time to refer to the systematic and intentional nature of language choices within the family context. Inspired by the Spolsky (2009) tripartite model that considers language policy as involving language ideologies, management, and practices, family language policy has now been consolidated and expanded to include critical perspectives, different epistemologies, and research methods against the backdrop of neoliberalism (Curdt-Christiansen and Palviainen 2023; Srhir and Poveda 2022; Lanza and Lomeu Gomes 2020). Family language policy addresses the intentional decisions and practices that families implement regarding the languages spoken and used within their household, as well as language planning and management decisions related to the use of languages outside the home (Schwartz et al. 2011). One of the key research areas of FLP is how language ideologies (Kroskrity 2004) inform language socialization practices (Ochs and Schieffelin 2011) in multilingual contexts. The set of values, beliefs, and ideas about the use of language, or simply “thoughts about language” (Kroskrity 2004, p. 496), regulates individuals’ management and language socialization practices when it comes to fostering language maintenance in and outside the home. The field, as Srhir and Poveda (2022, p. 181) agree, needs to include the multiple arrays of “linguistic ecologies” (Mirvahedi 2021) in which families are immersed globally.

Much of the research on family language policy has focused on ideologies, management, and socialization practices in transnational, multilingual, heritage, and minority language contexts, with English often being one of the dominant societal languages under study. However, much less attention has been paid to the role of English as a global and aspirational language in monolingual families, as in the case of the Spanish families discussed in this article. English immersion as a type of family language policy has recently become a focus of research in the Spanish context (Codó and Sunyol 2024; McDaid 2020). These researchers agree that the linguistic regimentation of English in Spanish families is part of the intensifying desire and future aspirations of their children. This leads to the development of multiple strategies to fully expose to and immerse Spanish children and youth in English. In fact, non-formal English learning decisions such as enrolling children in extra-curricular English language classes, investing in stays abroad, English summer camps, or hiring au pairs to help families recreate immersion experiences at home are part of the desire for achieving “a breathtaking English” (Sunyol 2021) that can ameliorate future job opportunities in the neoliberal market.

English immersion policies among Spanish families can, therefore, following Lanza and Wei (2016), be addressed as “formed and implemented in interaction with wider political, social, and economic forces” (p. 653). Similarly, as Curdt-Christiansen (2018) agrees, “FLP goes beyond parenting at home to encompass different domains related to family decisions, such as education, religion, and public linguistic space, as well as many different aspects of individual family members’ everyday life, including emotions, identity, and cultural and political allegiances” (p. 423). In the case of English immersion, this article discusses how family decisions on maximizing opportunities for exposure to English among middle and upper-middle-class Spanish families need to be understood in relation to wider social processes of late modernity, such as the commodification of English in the market of neoliberal education, mobility aspirations, and flexible adaptations in an increasingly competitive labor market (Codó and Sunyol 2024).

3. “English Frenzy” as Ideology and Practice

“English frenzy” or yeongeo yeolpung in Korean (Park 2009) refers to the widespread ideology and practice of promoting or facilitating English language proficiency, often to the point of fervent enthusiasm, “desire” (Piller and Takahashi 2006) or obsession, even, for interactions with native speakers in monolingual settings (Relaño-Pastor and Fernández-Barrera 2019). The “English frenzy” ideology and practice convey, as Park (2009) explains, different language ideologies associated with the position of English in South Korean society and the Korean speaker as an English language learner, namely “self-deprecation, necessity, and externalization” (p. 3). The perception among South Koreans as lacking enough competence in English, together with the high regard for English as a necessary language to get ahead in the job market and the pervasive belief that English is the language of the ‘other’ and is better learned abroad, shape the position that English occupies in Korean society in general (p. 27).

Similarly, the collective aspirations related to the perceived benefits and opportunities associated with English proficiency have also been analyzed in other international contexts, such as the case of Japanese women in Australia. Piller and Takahashi (2006) analyze how the desire or “akogare” to learn English among Japanese women in Sydney, Australia, is also shaped by complex ideologies related to the “West, western men, and ELL (English Language Learning)” (p. 60). Studies on why and how people around the world wish to learn English, following renowned research on linguistic imperialism (Phillipson 1992, 2010), are still scarce to date, according to Piller and Takahashi (2006).

In this article, the exploration of English immersion as a family language policy can be situated within the framework of the English frenzy ideology and desire for the best English proficiency for Spanish children and teenagers, aiming at “the naturalization of English as a skill for the future (Patiño-Santos and Poveda 2022, p. 167). In fact, previous sociolinguistic ethnography research on Spanish–English bilingual education in Castilla-La Mancha (Relaño-Pastor 2018a) and Catalonia (Codó and Patiño-Santos 2018) analyzed dominant language ideologies surrounding English language learning in state-run and semi-private secondary schools in these regions. They found that Spanish families perceived bilingual programs in these regions as falling short of meeting their expectations regarding the acquisition of English. Therefore, dominant discourses about “bilingualism at school is not enough” or “children do not learn English nor subject content in English well” were commonplace in these two ethnographic contexts. In addition, the perception that bilingual programs in these regions could not warrant the desired English proficiency among Spanish families resulted in a variety of family policies to invest in English inside and outside their homes. English language proficiency was perceived not only as a practical skill but also as a symbolic gift, a testament to good parenting, and a forward-thinking solution for ensuring enhanced job opportunities for Spanish children and youth.

Along similar lines, the English frenzy ideology is also related to the construct of investment in second language learning, first put forward by Norton in the 1990s and later expanded by Darvin and Norton (2015) to include “the demands of a more mobile and digital world, in which language learners move in and out of online and offline contexts” (Darvin and Norton 2015, p. 379). This model of investment “locates [investment] at the intersection of identity, capital, and ideology, in order to provide a window on the ways in which structures of power work, while finding opportunities for language learners to exercise agency” (p. 379). English investments will be analyzed in this paper as they intersect with English language ideologies and foster a variety of practices to maximize exposure to English among the Spanish families in our study. The English frenzy ideology not only manifests in a variety of practices but also prompts desired investments—financial, emotional, transcultural, and linguistic, among others—to fulfill what Park (2010, 2011, 2016) refers to as “the promise of English”. The collective aspiration among Spanish families is to realize the perceived benefits and opportunities associated with English proficiency, as shall be discussed in the narratives analyzed in this article.

4. Bilingual Parenting as Family Language Policy

Bilingual parenting as a family language policy has become popular across different international contexts, fostered by the rapid proliferation of websites, blogs, and social media platforms that provide advice and parental support on how to better raise bilingual children around the globe. Researchers like Piller and Gerber (2021) agree on how bilingual parenting has become mainstreamed and “constitutes a feature of the general parenting advice and self-help literature”, being “incorporated into broader discourses of what it means to be a ‘good’ parent” (p. 622). According to Schalley and Eisenchlas (2020), bilingual parenting in English-dominant societies is considered a key policy for language maintenance and the prevention of minority language loss. In terms of gender, recent work by Torsh (2022) highlights that heritage language maintenance (HLM) is often an invisible, demanding task predominantly shouldered by mothers, driven by intensive mothering expectations, and pertinent to both migrant and non-migrant mothers in diverse linguistic families in Australia. Additionally, bilingual parenting has been addressed in various other communities, highlighting its importance in maintaining linguistic diversity globally. In the context of Spanish in the U.S., a study by King and Fogle (2006) discusses parental anxiety about promoting additive Spanish–English bilingualism for their children using and by teaching Spanish when it is not the language of the home or the dominant language in society. They conclude that families in their study positioned themselves positively to additive bilingualism, as linked to the identity of “good parents”. In contrast, in contexts where English is learned as a foreign language, bilingual parenting research as a family language policy is still scarce. Li et al. (2022) examined bilingual parenting in monolingual Beijing, where Putonghua as the lingua franca was challenged by the increasing visibility of English, motivated by the Chinese government as a gateway to “international trade, globalization, and economic development” (p. 3376). Their survey data show how the “belief–practice gap” (p. 3385) is more accentuated than expected, and parental beliefs about the promotion of bilingualism at home did not necessarily translate into bilingual parental practices. Similarly, bilingual parenting has also been researched from ethnographic perspectives in the Korean context. Seo (2021) studied one Korean family longitudinally for 2.5 years in Seoul and analyzed the language ideologies and practices involved in the recreation of “artificially created English-rich home environments” (p. 111). In this case, having both parents as Korean English teachers fostered aspirations for English proficiency in their children, socializing them into the ideology of English as a facilitator of upward mobility and self-efficacy (p. 119).

In Spain, bilingual parenting, particularly as an English immersion practice within predominantly monolingual Spanish-speaking households, is a recent area of research with scarce international visibility. This article aims to enhance our understanding of this phenomenon through a (socio)linguistic ethnographic lens, focusing on the agency of parents and the emotional and moral dimensions that underpin their commitment to English language policies at home. Previous research on discourses surrounding Spanish–English bilingualism in the Castilla-La Mancha region has highlighted the proactive role of primarily middle-class families in the promotion of English learning spaces for their children (Relaño-Pastor 2018a). Motivated by their dissatisfaction with existing bilingual programs, these families have implemented various home-based practices aimed at fostering their children’s English language proficiency (p. 586). In the region of Catalonia, Codó and Sunyol (2024) have analyzed the emerging discourses of Catalan families about Spanish youth mobility abroad. Furthermore, Patiño-Santos and Mansfield (forthcoming) have explored how Spanish–Catalan-speaking mothers who have previously lived in the U.K. provide English immersion spaces for their children upon return to Catalonia. In other international contexts, English immersion has been addressed ethnographically by attending to the role of dual-language programs in multilingual schools in Switzerland (Garrido and Codó 2024). Similarly, the use of English as a third language has been studied in multilingual Russian-speaking families across Cyprus, Estonia, Germany, Israel, and Sweden (Karpava et al. 2024). The results of this study indicate that English usage is increasing among children in all these countries, and parents recognize English as a lingua franca across all five countries. The following section describes the methods and data collection procedure used in this study.

5. Methodology

This study was designed as a critical sociolinguistic ethnography (CSE) of English immersion policies among middle-/upper-middle-class Spanish families in the regions of Castilla-La Mancha (CLM) and Catalonia, including a set of Spanish transnational families in the U.K. (Bristol and Southampton) who had moved to these locations as part of the intense desire for immersion experiences abroad. CSE (Copland and Creese 2015; Heller 2011; Martín Rojo 2010) addresses linguistic practices, including narratives of English immersion experiences under discussion, in relation to wider social processes and circulating discourses that play a key role in ethnography (Patiño-Santos 2019; Relaño-Pastor 2018b). The results presented in this article come from data collected from in-depth sociolinguistic interviews with a group of 15 families from the CLM region.

5.1. Participants

The families in this study were recruited as part of the international project ENIFALPO1. These families were initially reached out to through personal contacts established by members of the research team. Some of them, mothers in particular, had previously participated in a sociolinguistic ethnography of different types of bilingual programs in the region, and they were contacted once more to participate in this current project. Our aim was to include families who were implementing English immersion practices inside and outside the home to understand the language ideologies informing English language socialization processes.

Table 1. Sociolinguistic profile and FLP practices.

Family Participant	Education/ Profession	Children	Home Languages	English Certificates	FLP Practices (In/Out)
1. Alma (Mo) *	University/ English Teacher	Manuel (11)	Spanish/ English	C1	-English lunches -English Homework -TV shows -Digital devices (cooking, dancing, singing)	-English academy -Bilingual school
2. Marga (Mo)	University/ Surgeon	Nika (14) Alfonso (11)	Spanish	B2	-TV shows	-English academy -Bilingual school -Immersion summer camps Ireland (2 weeks) -Immersion school program (6 weeks)
3. Laura (Mo)	University/ English Teacher	María (9) Alba (6)	Spanish/ English	C2	-TV shows -Digital devices (games, songs, homework, cooking, crafts) -Drama -Reading	-Family travel (Ireland, England, France, Portugal)
4. Pilar (Mo) Single Mom	University/ English Teacher	Luis (5)	Spanish/ English	C1	-TV shows -Au-pair -English helper -Crafts and games	-Family travel (England)
5. Teresa (Mo)	University/ English–French Teacher	Alina (9)	Spanish/ English	C1	-TV shows -Lunch, dinner -Digital devices (games, songs, crafts)	-Family travel (United States) -English academy -Bilingual school
6. Fátima (Mo)	University/ English Teacher	Pedro (3) Antonio (1)	Spanish/ English	C1	-Speaking (OPOL) -Digital (Games, songs) -TV shows -Picture books	-English playgroups
7. Álvaro (Fa) *	University/ Surgeon	Paco (15)	Spanish		-None	-Bilingual school -Immersion school program Ireland (4 weeks) -Immersion school year abroad (United States) -Family travel (U.K.)
8. Tania (Mo)	University/ Social worker	Gabriela (12) Fede (7)	Spanish	None	-Digital devices (Duolingo, songs, shows, homework)	-English academy
9. Marta (Mo)	University/ Math Teacher	Sofía (12) Ricardo (9) Lidia (6)	Spanish/ English	C2	-TV shows -Digital devices (reading, songs, games, crafts, homework) -Conversation with English speakers	-Family travel (U.K., U.S.) -English academy
10. Amparo (Mo)	University/ Translator	Jimena (15 Javi (13) Marco (11)	Spanish/ English/ Dutch Self-identified as multilingual.	C2 C2 (Dutch/German)	-Digital (games, shows, homework) -TV shows	-Immersion summer programs U.K. (4 weeks) -Immersion school year abroad Ireland -Family travel (U.K., France, Germany, Nerthelands)
11. Juan Luis (Fa)	University/ Architect	Elsa (10)	Spanish	None	-Digital (songs, games, homework)	-English academy
12. Nerea (Mo)	University/ Doctor	Manuela (16) Alma (14)	Spanish	None	-TV shows -Digital (books, songs, games, homework)	-Bilingual school -Immersion summer camps (U.K.)
13. Celinda (Mo)	University/ Nurse	Juana (14) Antonia (12)	Spanish	B1	-Digital (games, shows, homework) -TV shows -Babysitter with a C2	- Bilingual school -English academy -International camping trips in Spain -Family travel abroad (U.K, France, Norway)
14. Lola (Mo)	University/ English Teacher	Lorena (7)	Spanish/ English	C1	-Only English -Digital (games, songs, books) -Picture books	-Bilingual school -English playgroups
15. Rosa (Mo)	University/ Translator	María (10) Adriana (8)	Spanish/ English Self-identified as bilingual.	C2	-Cooking -Digital (games, songs, books) -English only picture books	-Bilingual family (contact with grandparents in Ireland) -Family trips (Ireland, U.K.) -Friends in New Zealand

* Mo: Mother; * Fa: Father.

below includes the sociolinguistic profiles of the participating families and their FLP practices in/out of the home. The identities of all family members have been anonymized using pseudonyms.

5.2. Materials and Procedure

The interviews were conducted in Spanish using the video conferencing application Microsoft Teams between February and December 2021. They lasted from thirty minutes to one hour in most cases. Given the restrictions imposed by the pandemic in 2021, we resorted to online interviewing to gather the corpus of the narrative this article is based on. All interviews were transcribed from October 2021 to March 2022, following transcription conventions proposed by Sacks et al. (1974) in Appendix A. They were first analyzed thematically to identify the main topics related to English immersion ideologies and language socialization practices as reported by the families involved in this study. Following established methodologies for the situated and interactional analysis of narratives elicited in sociolinguistic interviews (Ochs and Capps 2001; De Fina 2003; De Fina and Georgakopoulou 2011; Relaño-Pastor 2014, 2018a; Patiño-Santos 2018), after the main themes related to English immersion were analyzed, a subset of narratives focusing on language socialization practices and beliefs regarding English language learning was selected. To better understand the interrelationship between language ideology and the practice of English immersion within Spanish families, narrative analysis was conducted through the lens of the “dimensional perspective” suggested by Ochs and Capps (2001), with particular attention paid to the moral stance or “narrators’ perspectives on events and the moral meanings associated with them” (p. 18). Drawing upon the concept of “stance-taking” proposed by Jaffe (2009), the narrative analysis uncovered parents’ attitudes towards the incorporation of English into daily routines, as well as their perceptions of future challenges, aspirations, and desires for their children.

The subsequent section presents the findings that address the two primary research questions guiding this study: (1) How do Spanish families envision, manage, and implement English immersion practices? (2) How do these English immersion policies shape the sociolinguistic order at home and beyond for their children?

6. Results

6.1. Enacting Agency for English Immersion Language Socialization Practices in Narrative

The analysis of the narratives of English immersion experiences among Spanish families (Table 1) displayed a wide range of practices inside and outside the home. The sociolinguistic profile of these families included monolingual parents who declared no to advanced English proficiency (C2 according to the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR)). Only two families in our corpus self-identified as bi-/multilingual in Spanish–English and Spanish–English–Dutch–German, respectively. All of them shared the language ideology of English being “the most important language to learn in the world”, together with the firm belief that the best way to learn English requires authentic exposure to English by means of immersion experiences. In order to achieve the English-language goal, these families enacted their agency in the narrative. Agency, following linguistic anthropologist Ahearn (2010), is defined as the “socioculturally mediated capacity to act”. In narrative research, the agency is co-constructed through interaction between researchers and participants (Relaño-Pastor 2014, 2018b; Patiño-Santos 2018). In narrative research, agency is key to understanding individuals’ positioning towards the narrated events, as well as emotional and moral stance-taking, which will be discussed in the next section.

The following narrative excerpts reveal how these families, mothers except for two fathers, displayed their agency by choosing English immersion activities inside and outside their homes.

6.1.1. Enhancing English Immersion through Digital Media

Spanish families agreed on the importance of digital media for immersing their children in English. They agreed on how lucky they were to have access to so many different resources online. Despite their self-assessed English proficiency, all families emphasized their proactive roles in enabling their children’s access to digital English learning. The spectrum of activities they engaged in encompassed English literacy activities, songs, games, cooking recipes, watching TV sitcoms and movies, reading digital picture books, participating in arts and crafts, engaging in dramatic performances, and using homework websites, among others. The following two narrative excerpts exemplify this agentive role among parents:

Narrative excerpt (1)

Teresa: la televisión apoyó mucho:: esos primeros años porque intentaba pues eso que la televisión la viese lo poco que veía lo lo hiciese siempre en inglés eh jugaba conmigo en inglés/e::h juegos a través de bueno usando el idioma/y y siempre intenté que esos primeros cinco años fuesen como bastante:: bien estructurados y que ella e::h lo entendiera como algo que hacía a parte del ambiente de su casa.

Teresa: TV helped a lot during those early years because I tried to ensure that she watched it, the little she watched, always in English. She played with me in English and played games using the language. I always tried to make those first five years fairly well-structured and for her to understand it as something apart from the environment of her home.

Narrative excerpt (2)

Rosa: cuando tuvimos a las niñas quizá de forma un poquito artificial decidimos pues hablarles en inglés hablarles en inglés y desde que nació la mayor pues lo hemos hecho así más al principio de sus vidas/que quizá ahora que ya pues tenemos más mezcla pero al principio sí que fue algo más pues de hablar puramente en inglés en casa e::hm y bueno pues nos hemos servido de muchas ayudas que hemos encontrado a nuestro alcance/creo que vivimos en una época privilegiada en cuanto a medios/de audiovisuales/y sobre todo pues en casa nos hemos servido muchísimo de la literatura infantil y también de pues de juegos/de canciones/canciones muchísimas ha sido un medio muy muy natural en casa de adquisición del inglés pues las canciones a los dos nos ha gustado mucho cantarles/y pues al final hemos buscado medios pues muy naturales pues si había que cocinar pues cocinar/pues si había que pues cualquier actividades que hacíamos pues eh se convertía en vehículo de comunicación entre todos/normalmente era la lengua habitual.

Rosa: when we had the girls, perhaps a bit artificially, we decided to speak to them in English, to speak to them in English, and since the oldest was born, we have done it more at the beginning of their lives, which perhaps now that we have more of a mix, but at the beginning, it was something more purely speaking in English at home, and well, we have used many aids that we have found within our reach. I think we live in a privileged era in terms of audiovisual media, and especially at home, we have relied heavily on children’s literature and also on games, songs—many songs have been a very natural means of acquiring English in our home because we both enjoyed singing to them a lot. And in the end, we looked for very natural means, so if we had to cook, we cooked, if there were any activities we did, they became a means of communication among all of us—usually it was the usual language.

The narratives provided by Teresa and Rosa show how the use of digital devices was central to providing English immersion spaces at home. Drawing from their own biographies as English language learners, these mothers self-reflected on the importance of providing their children with early English exposure by taking advantage of the digital era. The following subsection includes vivid narratives that exemplify the agentive role of a cohort of seven mothers who worked as English language educators.

6.1.2. English Teachers for English Only at Home

Among the mothers we interviewed, a group of seven mothers taught English in primary (five of them) and higher education (two of them). The professional identities and language learning trajectories of each one of them shaped the language policies and practices regarding the use of English in their lives. All of them agreed on the importance of creating immersion spaces at early ages, some even before their babies were born. Four of them narrated how they had informed themselves about the benefits of early bilingualism and had made conscious decisions about implementing English-only policies at home, including OPOL strategies, even though English was an additional language for all of them. Given their professional backgrounds, they all felt very confident in providing language socialization spaces at home. In the following narrative excerpt, Lola positions herself as being actively involved in her 7-year-old daughter’s English language education:

Narrative excerpt (3)

Lola: sí pues nada en mi caso pues (.) e:::h decidí hablarles a mis hijos en en inglés desde que:: nacieron/incluso antes/desde que estaban en la tripita/y más que nada pues e::h lo primero por por mi pasión hacia la lengua inglesa/por ofrecerles a ellos una oportunidad a nivel cognitivo y social/porque sé que tiene muchos beneficios/en todos esos ámbitos/(.) y::: elegimos la opción one parent one language one person one language porque::: había leído mucho sobre ello y en mi caso pues en casa solamente yo conozco:: la lengua inglesa entonces esto a nivel familiar pues creó algún conflicto sobretodo al principio aunque:: mínusculo pero sí que es verdad que hay momentos de comunicación donde las personas que no comprenden la lengua inglesa pues me han pedido que por favor que hablásemos en español porque no entendían qué estaba pasando.

Lola: Well, in my case e:::h I decided to speak to my children in English from the moment:: they were born /even before, from when they were in the womb/primarily it was because of e:::h my passion for the English language/to offer them a cognitive and social opportunity/because I know it has many benefits in all those areas/8.) and::: we chose the one parent one language approach because::: I had read a lot about it, and in my case I’m the only one in the family who knows English. This caused some conflict within the family, especially at the beginning, although minimal. However, there are indeed moments of communication where people who don’t understand English have asked me to please speak Spanish because they didn’t understand what was happening.

The fostering of this bilingual parenting policy and practice was also reinforced by additional digital and non-digital literacy practices in English at home. In the case of the English teachers who participated in our study, these practices were highly valued as they additionally provided the development of positive affective stances towards the English language and culture. Lola continues her narrative by talking about how she successfully managed to develop a positive connection with her daughter:

Narrative excerpt (4)

Lola: intento::: e::h rentabilizar los recursos al máximo y siempre que están conmigo/incluso cuando no están conmigo yo le digo al papá:: y a la familia que les pongan los dibujos en inglés/que intenten poner canciones en inglés (.) y lo que hemos hecho en casa pues es una inmersión lingüística total (.) cantamos en inglés leemos a diario porque la lectura sí que es verdad que hace muchísimo juega un papel muy importante/en el desarrollo de la gramática el vocabulario la adquisición de estructuras/y luego además en mi caso nos ha venido muy bien porque además del gusto:: de mi hija por las películas y las historias pues nos sirve luego para la comunicación/hemos creado un vínculo muy bonito porque nos gusta mucho representar historias/entonces ella ha sacado su lado muy muy creativo/entonces cuando estamos sin hacer nada pues ella misma me dice vamos a jugar a blancanieves venga yo soy la bruja yo soy blancanieves y la verdad es que a nivel comunicativo y emocional ha nos ha unido mucho (.)

Lola: I try::: to maximize resources to the fullest, always whenever they are with me/or even when they are not, I ask her dad::: and the family to put on cartoons in English/to try to play English songs (.) what we’ve done at home is total language immersion (.) we sing in English we read daily because reading plays a very important role in grammar development, vocabulary, and acquiring structures/additionally, in my case, it has been very beneficial because apart from my daughter’s interest:: in movies and stories, it helps us in communication/we’ve created a beautiful bond because we love to act out stories so she has become very creative/when we have nothing to do, she herself says, “Let’s play Snow White. I’ll be the witch, I’ll be Snow White”. And truthfully, it has brought us together a lot in terms of communication and emotions (.)

These language socialization practices not only facilitated English language acquisition but also fostered a deep emotional connection to the English language and its cultural manifestations (Kramsch and Zhu 2016). In addition to the aforementioned strategies, some of these educators recounted their involvement in bilingual dramatizations, bringing cultural stories from English-speaking countries to life at home. This is the case of Laura, whose biography as an English language learner was marked by her humble family background and her realization that learning English was a way to connect with “the world out there”. In her daily professional practice teaching English to adults in the local Center for Adult Education, Laura believes that the socializing effect through games, songs, dramatized readings, and cultural experiences in English is far more important than language socialization to English grammar and vocabulary. Her own language ideologies about how one can acquire a second language were crucial in the implementation of her own practices as an English teacher and a mother at home. In addition, Laura believed in creating anxiety-free learning spaces to facilitate the acquisition of English. She narrates it as follows:

Narrative excerpt (5)

Laura: =entonces yo por mi experiencia como profesora he visto que el mayor problema el el mayor bloqueo emocional que tiene la gente y el mayor choque con el inglés/es que tienes como una especie de rechazo frontal y que además emocionalmente te produce estrés/te produce ansiedad/te produce no/porque es una cosa que has tenido que estudiar/obligado sin entender y sin disfrutar Author: =ya Laura: =y mi concepción de los idiomas es totalmente distinta o sea no puedes como imponer o aprende esto y estudia y haz no se cuantos ejercicios y tal entonces es verdad que mis niñas para nada son bilingües para nada hablan inglés estupendamente pero es verdad que no tienen ese miedo/ni ese rechazo/tienen ese cariño/y una cosa que me gusta mucho por ejemplo que yo lo he visto con Laurita con mi niña pequeña que acaba de cumplir seis años es que ella está jugando en español y de vez en cuando alguna palabrita alguna cosita lo dice en inglés con una pronunciación estupenda que yo digo de donde la ha sacado esta niña esta pronunciación que realmente yo no paso horas con ella enseñando el inglés pero yo veo que tiene en ese inglés inventado/la melodía/la entonación/las plosivas/típicas del inglés porque hay ciertos sonidos que se vinculan al inglés aunque ella esté hablando en español con acento ((risa)) lo que yo hago con mis niñas sobre todo que sientan la vinculación entre recuerdos positivos de alegría y de amabilidad porque yo quiero que vinculen el aprendizaje de un idioma en este caso del inglés o del francés con emociones positivas y con algo positivo para su vida y no como una imposición.

Laura: So, from my experience as a teacher, I’ve noticed that the biggest issue, the biggest emotional barrier people face, and the biggest clash with English, is this sort of frontal rejection. It emotionally stresses you out, causes anxiety because it’s something you’ve had to study, obliged to without understanding or enjoying it. Author: I see. Laura: My conception of languages is completely different. You can’t just impose or say “learn this”, “study”, and do so many exercises. It’s true that my girls are not bilingual at all; they don’t speak English wonderfully, but it’s true that they don’t have that fear or rejection. They have affection. One thing I really like, for example, that I’ve noticed with Laurita, my little girl who just turned six, is that she’s playing in Spanish and occasionally, she says a word or something in English with excellent pronunciation. I wonder where she got this pronunciation from because I don’t spend hours teaching her English, but I see that in that made-up English, she has the melody, the intonation, the plosives typical of English because there are certain sounds linked to English even though she’s speaking in Spanish with an accent (laughter). What I do with my girls, especially, is to make them feel the connection between positive memories of joy and kindness because I want them to associate learning a language, in this case, English or French, with positive emotions and something positive for their lives, not as an imposition.

6.1.3. English Immersion Experiences Abroad

In addition to the digitalization processes and English-only policies that mothers narrated as central to fostering English immersion at home, the narratives related to stay-abroad experiences revealed a stronger connection between English language ideologies and agentive practices. All the interviewed families agreed that the best way to learn “good English” involved spending time abroad. McDaid (2020) analyzed how driven by the ideology of ‘English frenzy’, Spanish families had decided to “take the English problem into their own hands” (p. 1), contemplating Rugby English summer camps (summer camps where participants engage in activities related to both learning English and playing rugby) in Ireland as one of the many different stay-abroad experiences for their children. In our interviews, summer camps in the U.K., Ireland, and the U.S. were among the most desired immersion experiences. The language ideologies linked to these immersion decisions stem from imaginaries related to the best financial investment and future-proofing strategies for their children. Beliefs about how “English is best learned abroad”, “one needs to go abroad to learn the best English”, or “learning English abroad benefits personal growth and professional opportunities” were the most pervasive narrative triggers in our interviews.

Two of the most affluent families in our data shared similar views on the opportunities granted by these English immersion experiences abroad. Marga, who worked as a cardiologist in the local hospital, and Álvaro, one of the two fathers we interviewed, were colleagues and agreed to be interviewed as well:

Narrative excerpt (6)

Álvaro: =vale/e:::h tanto mi mujer como yo lo teníamos muy claro (.) desde siempre hemos pensado que era importante salir fuera Author: aha Álvaro: =vale/sobre todo e:::h no tanto::: a ver que también eh fundamentalmente porque le abres una opción de formación laboral y cultural Author: =aha Álvaro: =y entre otras cosas por eso po:::r (.) porque le abres mucho el mundo (.) vale/desde::: siempre nos ha gustado tanto a mi mujer como a mi mucho viajar/ Author: uhm Álvaro =vale/y evidentemente pues es una de las opciones que te permite también el tema de seguridad en ti mismo a la hora de conocer a otra gente/otras culturas y otros países y bueno (.) Author: uhm Álvaro: eso por un lado y luego por el tema::: (.) e::h laboral de estudios eh pues las posibilidades de apertura al exterior que te brinda el inglés

Álvaro: =Okay/so:: both my wife and I were very clear about this (.) we’ve always thought it was important to venture out. Author: I see. Álvaro: =Okay/especially eh::: not so much::: well, partly because it fundamentally opens up vocational and cultural training opportunities. Author: =I see. Álvaro: =and among other things, that’s why...(.) because it really broadens their horizons (.) okay/Both my wife and I have always::. liked traveling so much/ Author: Uhm Álvaro: Okay/and obviously, it’s one of the options that also allows you to feel secure about yourself when meeting other people, other cultures, and other countries. And well (.) Author: uhm. Álvaro: On one hand, that, and then on the topic::: e:::h of education and jobs, well, the opportunities for international exposure that English offers

Narrative excerpt (7)

Marga: claro nosotros creemos que el inglés es algo más que una asignatura que es fundamental que los niños lo aprenda:::n (.) bien Author: y aprenderlo bien que::: que significaría? Marga:    bueno aprenderlo bien significaría que los niños fueran bilingües que no lo son Author: y entonces ¿os planteasteis intervenir o actuar de alguna forma en concreto cuando nacieron los niños? Marga: =pues que el inglés era fundamental pero yo creo que los dos lo teníamos muy claro Author: por vuestra propia experiencia Marga: sí = claro Author: =y entonces Marga: =a mí me falta (.) yo he estado en Inglaterra pero aun así por más que he ido y ha sido de::: pequeña (.) y mi marido igual (.) dice que a él le falta = el vocabulario sabe muchísimo pero le falta hablar Author: le falta hablar Marga: =no somos capaces de habla::::r Author: fluidamente= Marga: =fluidamente Author:   y qué cosas os plateasteis hacer con ellos de pequeños/ Marga:    pue::s la tele Author: aha Marga: e:::h la tele y luego viajar con ellos ir a paíse:::s de habla inglesa Author: aha (.) y eso es un esfuerzo me imagino de tiempo/económico también Marga: e:::h bueno un esfuerzo de tiempo porque gastamos nuestras vacaciones en eso pero bueno realmente también son vacaciones a ver tampoco es que nos importe por ejemplo irnos tres semanas a Irlanda en vez de tres semanas a la playa=los niños van a los campamentos y nosotros hacemos turismo o descansamos Author: =aha (.) sí Marga: y bueno es un esfuerzo::: hombre económico es un esfuerzo claro Author: =sí Marga: =porque es caro

Marga: Of course, we believe that English is more than just a subject it’s crucial for children to learn:: it (.) well. Author: And learning it well would mean? Marga: Well, learning it well would mean that children become bilingual, which they are not. Author: So, did you consider intervening or acting in any specific way when the children were born? Marga: =Well, that English was essential, but I think we both were very clear about it. Author: Based on your own experience. Marga: =Yes, of course. Author: And then? Marga: =Well, for me, I lack... I’ve been to England, but even so, as much as I’ve been there since I was young, and my husband too, he says he lacks... he knows a lot of vocabulary, but he lacks speaking Author: He lacks speaking? Marga: We are not able to speak fluently Author: Fluently Marga: Fluently Author: And what did you consider doing with them when they were little? Marga: Well, TV Author: I see Marga: And then traveling with them, going to English-speaking countries Author: I see. And that’s an effort, I imagine, in terms of time and also economically. Marga: Well, it’s a time effort because we spend our vacations on that, but well, they are really vacations; it’s not like we mind going to Ireland for three weeks instead of three weeks at the beach. The children go to camps, and we do sightseeing or rest. Author: I see. Yes. Marga: And well, it’s an economic effort, of course, because it’s expensive

These narratives are situated within broader discussions surrounding the commonly recognized Spanish tendency toward self-deprecation, particularly when describing English proficiency, as highlighted by McDaid (2020). To challenge this prevalent belief among Spanish families, one effective approach is investing in immersion experiences abroad. Alvaro and Marga’s accounts illustrate how such investments can help counteract self-deprecating attitudes by providing confidence-boosting, firsthand experiences in English-speaking environments.

6.2. Engaging in Future-Proofing in Narrative: Emotional Investments and Moral Stance-Taking

Following previous research on narrative analysis (Relaño-Pastor 2014, 2018b; Patiño-Santos 2018; De Fina 2003; De Fina and Georgakopoulou 2011), which focuses on how emotional events trigger the narrator’s moral positioning towards the events being narrated, this section discusses how families “do” future-proofing strategies related to English immersion in narratives. This includes dominant ideologies of “English as the language of a better future” and “aspirational family language policies” (Seals and Beliaeva 2023) that guarantee an imagined future where English capital will open doors in the job market. The Spanish families we interviewed shared the belief that acquiring good English capital required not only financial investments but also emotional ones that are integral to good parenting.

The next long co-constructed narrative illustrates the case of Nerea, an anesthesiologist in the local hospital whose daughters Manuela and Alba (16 and 14, respectively, at the time of the interview) were part of a shared English immersion family project to raise them bilingually in English and Spanish. English, as Nerea explains, became a common project that involved private bilingual schools, preparation for English Certificates, English summer camps, the American Dual Baccalaureate program, and the use of English in digital media at home:

Narrative excerpt (8)

Author: en qué momento se convirtió::: el inglés central en vuestras vidas/ Nerea:   e:::h en nuestro caso/sí que fue u:::n un proyecto común de familia porque desde::: que nacen las niñas prácticamente/a::: los tres años las empezamos a llevar los veranos de campamento que era totalmente en inglés [y bueno pues eso se fue haciendo hábito Author:  [sí Nerea: pensábamos que abrirse::: a un mundo de bilingüismo e:::h en España es complicado e:::h porque no no se favorece/las televisiones pues doblan las películas/y que era como más complicado/y que la escuela todavía estamos por detrás de Europa y ambos sabíamos teniendo ciertas experiencias en Europa con los idiomas y bueno queríamos un poco esa::: esa mentalidad aperturista en cuanto al bilingüismo Author: claro y entonces buscabais la inmersión en inglés= Nerea:  =sí para nosotros la buena inmersión pues es aquella en la que nadas como el pez en el agua en la que te encuentres tan a gusto como para que todo lo que huele a anglo te guste pues yo creo que ya has hecho una inmersión completa e:::h Author: =claro Nerea: =inmersión agua pez ((risa)) Author: ¿y os ha merecido la pena entonces? Nerea: =sí porque la verdad se han hecho muy independientes yo las veo::: (.) sí=por ejemplo es un pensamiento que tengo::: un poco si me pasara algo hoy es como que ya no estoy tan intranquila de que hay que seguir dándoles para mejorar /es la mejor herencia para su formación porque yo creo que ya se encontrarían más sueltas en la vida Author: ¿y qué sacrificios os ha conllevado? Nerea: = bueno el emocional y el económico también claro porque son cursos caros y por dos niñas se te puede ir un pico eh entre seis siete mil euros en un verano=para fomentar el inglés/pero merece la pena les ha dado::: pues otra madurez/otra independencia/no sé y son niñas que están valorando mucho el sobreesfuerzo que nos está suponiendo /somos padres trabajadores al fin y al cabo y yo no te voy a engañar/yo a veces tengo que comprar alguna guardia y a veces dices y cómo::: cómo las llevo yo este verano/entonces a lo mejor tengo que hacer esa labor de hormiguita desde septiembre porque no puedo::: [de golpe Author: claro Nerea: pero bueno ellas se dan cuenta de que hay desvelos=hay preocupaciones por nuestra parte y que esto para ellas es un premio que no lo pueden desaprovechar/que no se mezclen con españoles/que por favor es una cosa para ellas/yo lo que tenía que hacer ya lo he hecho Author: claro= Nerea: =y las herramientas que quieran aprovechar de lo que les damos que no lo malgasten es lo único que les digo por favor

Author: at what point did English become central in your lives? Nerea: Well::: in our case/it was indeed a common family project because practically from the moment::: the girls were born at around three years old we started taking them to summer camps that were entirely in English [and well, that became a habit. Author: Yes. Nerea: We thought that embracing a world of bilingualism in Spain e:::h is challenging because it is not encouraged/television channels dub movies/making it more complicated and schools are still lagging behind Europe. Both of us, having certain experiences with languages in Europe, wanted to adopt a more open-minded approach towards bilingualism. Author: I see so you sought immersion in English?= Nerea: =Yes, for us, good immersion is when you feel as comfortable as a fish in water, where you enjoy everything Anglo, I believe that’s when you’ve done a full immersion= Author: of course Nerea: =immersion water fish ((laughs)) Author: and has it been worth it then? Nerea: Yes, because they have become very independent/that’s how I see them:: yes, for example, it’s a thought I have, if something were to happen to me today, I’m not as worried about having to keep pushing them to improve/it’s the best legacy for their education because I think they would navigate life more confidently. Author: and what sacrifices has it entailed for you?= Nerea: =well, emotional and financial, of course, because the courses are expensive, especially for two girls. It can add up to quite a sum, between six to seven thousand euros in one summer to promote English. But it’s worth it; it has given them:: well, another maturity, another independence. I don’t know, and they are girls who value the extra effort it’s taking us. We are working parents after all, and I won’t lie to you/sometimes I have to cover an extra shift, and sometimes I wonder how I’ll manage this summer. So maybe I have to start planning diligently from September because I can’t manage it all at once. Author: =of course Nerea: But they realize that there are worries=there are concerns on our part and that this is a reward they shouldn’t miss out on/that they shouldn’t mix with Spanish kids, please/it’s something for them/I’ve done what I had to do Author: of course= Nerea: =and the only thing I tell them is to make the most of the tools we provide them, not to waste them, please

In this narrative, Nerea provides an account of the ideologies, emotions, and sacrifices the family went through to foster English immersion experiences for their two girls since they were three years old. She positions herself and her husband as good parents who embarked on a common family bilingual project, with English as the central language shaping their lives. Nerea’s investment in English is narrated as part of the “imagined future identities” or “the identities that people consider to be desirable identities for themselves and others when they imagine the future” (Seals and Beliaeva 2023, p. 502). The emotional investments (e.g., worries and concerns about organizing English immersion summer courses) as well as the financial ones (e.g., having to work extra hours and saving money ahead) are narrated as worthwhile future-proofing strategies that shape Nerea’s daughters’ identities. Despite all the sacrifices Nerea reports, she morally positions herself as a good parent who is satisfied with the best educational legacy she can provide for her daughters’ education-that of English immersion experiences that will help, as she says, navigate their lives more confidently.

7. Concluding Discussion

The main goal of this study was to analyze English immersion as a family language policy among a group of fifteen middle-class Spanish families whose life projects included the presence of English. The narratives emerging from the sociolinguistic interviews, conducted as part of a collaborative critical sociolinguistic ethnography in three different contexts in Spain and the U.K., reveal how these families articulate language ideologies, management, and practices to integrate English in their home linguistic repertoires. As family language policy research has now prolifically demonstrated in other contexts, parental agency (Nandi 2018) is crucial for sustaining immersion experiences in both monolingual and multilingual settings.

In reference to our first research question, the narratives analyzed here depict Spanish families’ decisions regarding their children’s English education as a collective enterprise subjected to future-proofing strategies involving emotional and financial investments. The role of emotions and emotional stance-taking in narrating experiences of English immersion is central to implementing English immersion practices in the Spanish households examined in this article. As researched in the Australian context (Wang et al. 2023), language emotionality plays a crucial role in maintaining heritage languages at home among Chinese and African migrant families. When learners, especially children, are immersed in an emotionally supportive environment, they are more likely to feel secure and motivated to learn the language. Positive emotions such as joy, curiosity, and a sense of achievement can enhance cognitive processes, making language learning more enjoyable and less stressful. Conversely, negative emotions like anxiety or frustration can hinder progress, creating barriers to effective communication and comprehension.

This article has highlighted the gendered role of mothers in fostering English immersion, a critical yet often under-researched area in family language policy. In contexts such as the Australian one described by Torsh (2022), intensive mothering expectations are linked to normative, middle-class discourses of motherhood as the main agents of heritage language maintenance. In our study, mothers frequently assume primary responsibility for creating and maintaining English-rich environments at home. This role encompasses not only the practical aspects of providing educational resources and activities but also the emotional labor of offering encouragement and support to their children. By modeling language use, initiating conversations, and correcting mistakes with patience and care, mothers significantly contribute to their children’s linguistic and cognitive development. Recognizing and valuing this gendered contribution is essential for understanding the dynamics of English immersion at home and for developing strategies that support and empower all caregivers in this pivotal educational role.

Similar to other sociolinguistic contexts where English is perceived as an aspirational language commodified to ensure future economic benefits, these families emphasized the central role of English in their lives. As Park and Wee (2012) agree, “English functions as a sign in all aspects of social life in which people either use or talk about English” (p. 124). The families in our study narrated “the indexicality of English” immersion experiences at the intersection of emotional stances, the moral imperative of good parenting, and imaginaries of the potential benefits of life in a future English-speaking environment (Park and Wee 2012). The different types of investments in crafting their children’s bilingual identities were displayed in the narratives as involving personal sacrifices that eventually will make a difference in their children’s future.

Furthermore, regarding our second research question, the inclusion of English language socialization practices at home and the encouragement of socialization spaces outside the home changed the sociolinguistic order of these families as Spanish monolingual speakers. Even though they shared different sociolinguistic profiles as English speakers—based on their own experiences as English learners, the use of English in their profession, or the attempted recreation of English-only spaces at home—the incorporation of English as a global lingua franca produced similar tensions and dilemmas to those described in other transnational contexts (Lanza 2021; Soler and Zabrodskaja 2017).

Overall, the narratives of English immersion discussed here illuminate the multifaceted role that English plays in the lives of Spanish families within an increasingly digitalized society.

8. Limitations and Future Research

This article has provided valuable insights into how these immersion experiences articulate the daily lives and aspirations of these families. The narratives presented illustrate various ideologies and practices related to English immersion in this context. Moving forward, future research could benefit from daily observations, recordings, and detailed analysis of how these immersion practices manifest in other domestic settings. Ethnographic approaches offer invaluable opportunities to explore the lived experiences and perspectives of individuals and communities, illuminating their beliefs, practices, and interactions as they engage with these immersion strategies.