1. Introduction
Globalization has been one of the most well-known economic phenomena in the 21st century due to its dominant consequences in all spheres of modern life [
1]. After decades of rapid globalization through the channel of the movement of technology, labor, and capital, it is argued that this trend appears to have reversed (deglobalization) or slowed down (slowbalization), from a more critical scholarly viewpoint [
2]. However, in recent years, trade rivalry between the U.S. and China, the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, the COVID-19 pandemic, and increasing geopolitical risks have shaken the seemingly secure ground underpinning the process of globalization [
3]. On the other hand, the concentration of income in a few people in both developed and developing countries has led to the reconsideration of hypotheses regarding the distributional agenda of globalization [
4]. However, to what extent is this questioning valid for the post-Soviet countries that have undergone an abrupt transformation from the command to the market economic system?
The notable feature of these countries is their high dependence on natural resources, particularly oil and gas. This reliance on commodity exports has made these countries vulnerable to fluctuations in global commodity prices, contributing to economic instability and income inequality. Understanding the impact of all these developments on economic inequalities in the post-Soviet nations sheds light on possible physical and virtual integration or fragmentation scenarios of globalization and their distributional consequences. Therefore, we are motivated to examine the effects of deglobalization proxied to the influencing magnitudes of globalized dimensions (e.g., globalization de facto and de jure, internet diffusions and trade openness) on general (the Gini coefficient) and percentile measures (the top 1%, 10%, and the bottom 60%) of income inequality.
Our motivation to conduct this investigation lies in strands of propositions. First, the related literature on the globalization–inequality nexus has mainly focused on generalized globalization measures [
2,
3,
4]. However, the impact of globalization’s reverse or slow trend on the increasing economic inequalities is better understood by considering the different dimensions of globalization. Our concern regarding the considering de facto and de jure globalization measures as well as the virtual (global diffusion of internet traffic) and physical (trade openness) aspects of globalization have been neglected by the empirical literature, which motivated us to conduct this study.
Second, in the previous literature, it has been examined whether and to what extent deglobalization or slowbalization plays a role in inequality in both developed and developing countries. Nevertheless, a limited number of studies have been conducted on the impact of deglobalization on economic inequality in transition countries, particularly in post-Soviet nations. This group of countries presents several advantages. For example, because transition countries have experienced a sudden socioeconomic transformation, the distributive impact of deglobalization on social classes can be investigated much more effectively because this group of countries shared a common economic starting point. Moreover, following the collapse of communism, a sudden change in the distribution of income and wealth provides a unique research environment because the characteristics of inequality are similar in this group of countries, which would be impossible if focusing on country groups with distinct inequality structures.
Third, as a proxy for inequality, earlier investigations such as those of Dorn et al. [
5] and Gozgor and Ranjan [
6] used the Gini coefficient of income to measure income inequality, but this has some limitations, especially when it comes to overlooking structural changes within the population. For instance, the dominant income group of the population can be overestimated or underestimated in the Gini coefficient [
7]. Thus, the Gini coefficient can remain static, even if there is an alteration in the income shares in some groups of the population. In this regard, our study uses not only the income Gini coefficient but also people’s different levels of income occupation, including the income share of the top 1%, the income shares of the top 10%, and the income share of the bottom 60% as dependent variables. Using percentile measures of inequality is significant because a large part of the widely observed increase in overall income inequality within countries can be attributed to the top income percentiles [
8]. The increasing trend of top income shares has sparked public concerns about rising inequality [
9] and has triggered an academic discussion about the consequences and determinants of economic inequality at the top and bottom levels, especially after the study by Piketty [
10].
Lastly, whether globalization has an effective contribution to reducing income inequality has been analyzed by many researchers. There are some studies that report the positive role of globalization in reducing income inequality [
3,
11,
12,
13,
14], whereas enough studies reveal that globalization leads to increasing inequality in most rich and developing countries [
15,
16,
17,
18,
19]. However, this study focuses on the post-Soviet countries because of some unique features, including having weak institutions and the same inequality structures, being primarily resource-abundant economies. Due to the complex nature of the economic transition process, the fact that these countries contain elements that balance globalization/deglobalization is a very crucial reason for them to be at the center of the analysis of the relationship between globalization/deglobalization/slowbalization and inequality.
We contribute to the existing literature in four ways. First, previous literature such as Jaumotte et al. [
20], Meschi and Vivarelli [
21], and Silva and Leichenko [
22] highlighted the role of globalization in the case of different economies’ income inequality, utilizing developed and developing country analysis. Deviating from these studies, we consider the effects of globalization dimensions on income inequality from the perspective of post-Soviet countries, which is a novel annexure to the economic literature. Second, earlier studies such as Aladejare [
23], Erdoğan et al. [
24], and Gygli [
25] used the social, economic, and political dimensions in investigating the influences of different economic determinants. Apart from these investigations, we adopt some unique dimensions of globalization, such as globalization de facto, de jure and the virtual (global diffusion of internet traffic) and physical (trade openness) integration; we also measure their specific effect on the income inequality parameters of the post-Soviet countries. Thus, our study has significant potential in terms of variable usage.
Third, we develop a theoretical connection between the varied angles of global flow, including globalization, deglobalization, slowbalisation, and income inequality, which is our novel value added to the globalization and growth literature. Finally, this study’s findings can shed a bright light on the policymakers of the post-Soviet countries to apprehend the effects of different dimensions of globalization on people’s income share at their varied levels. This will also help provide knowledge for these policymakers concerning the magnitude of the global phenomenon’s existing contribution to the income dynamics and thereby formulate pragmatic policies for exploiting the globalized potentials for the long-run economic growth of these economies.
The remaining sections of this study are structured as follows.
Section 2 includes an overview of the literature.
Section 3 covers data and methodology.
Section 4 outlines our key findings and discussion regarding the effect of deglobalization on income inequality. Finally,
Section 5 contains the conclusion and policy implications.
5. Discussion
Our findings depict that deglobalization is futile in affecting the post-Soviet countries’ income dynamics due to the counterproductive effect of globalization dimensions. Specifically, globalization de facto (globalized policy-implementation spectrum) is favorable in reducing income inequality in the 12 post-Soviet countries. Globalization is a multifaceted phenomenon that is achieved in various ways. International migration, information and communication technologies (ICT), trade liberalization, financial openness, and capital flows are some of its primary drivers [
18,
20,
80,
81]. One school of thought contends that globalization has reduced inequality globally by enhancing total incomes, both relative and absolute, through trade liberalization and more financial integration [
82]. The other contends that while globalization increases income, the advantages do not spread equitably, increasing inequality within and between nations.
Globalization may result in more or lesser inequality in developed and developing economies, depending on the specific driving force. In the case of the 12 post-Soviet nations, financial integration played a pivotal role, which helped them entirely exploit the potential of different financial channels. Therefore, these economies absorb the fruits of globalization, reducing their income inequality through policymakers’ attempts to make a globalization-friendly business environment. In this way, foreign investors have employed their funds in the capital-intensive sectors and developed the local firms’ capacity to produce. As a result, firms’ development promotes the employment level and income level of the people. The findings concerning the positive role of globalization in reducing income inequality is in line with previous studies, including [
3,
11,
13]. In any case, enough studies have concluded that globalization leads to increasing inequality in most rich and developing countries [
15,
17].
Trade liberalization induces income disparity across nations. However, trade flows help promote high-technology exports, hampering equality in the periphery. In general, trade openness correlates with every country. In this regard, Goldberg and Pavcnik [
17] and Kraay [
83] discovered a significant positive relationship between trade openness and inequality. However, after evaluating several studies and various indicators of trade openness (degree of trade protection, the proportion of imports or exports in GDP), they concluded that trade openness does not have an equalizing effect in emerging nations. Although this conclusion needed to be made more explicit in the four globalization routes they examined, they could not establish a causal relationship between them. They also concluded that the specific mechanisms by which globalization impacted inequality depended on the country, the time period, and the case at hand. This ineffective role of globalization indicates the existence of slowbalization, where globalization is more or less futile in stimulating income dynamics. This finding is in line with our study’s result in the case of the 12 post-Soviet countries. Similarly, Wu and Hsu’s [
84] cross-sectional research pointed to an equalizing impact of global commerce on income distribution. Finally, the findings presented by Jalil [
85] supported that trade openness and inequality in China have a non-linear connection. He concluded that although inequality rises with the rising trend of trade openness, inequality can decline after a crucial point.
The abovementioned discussions relating to the trade openness–income inequality nexus imply that long-term inequality reduction may occur from continued trade expansion. However, post-Soviet nations’ inaptitude for absorbing the potential of market liberation and the adaptability of domestic markets (i.e., intra-national labor and capital mobility) are the fundamental cause of the dysfunctionality of this common globalized determinant known as trade openness. Thus, slowbalization exists in these economies due to the ineffective role of globalization, as found in our study’s findings.
Internet diffusions lead to informing people’s search for their businesses. Due to the rapid evolution of information and communication technology (ICT), the body of literature highlighted the importance of the growth and effectiveness of the Internet [
86,
87]. However, some researchers attempted to investigate how the Internet can reduce wealth inequality [
88]. An economy brings together a wide diversity of people working and living together because a country serves as the primary geographic border of human economic activities. According to one theory, countries with more internet access can utilize more resources, skilled labor, infrastructure, and resources [
89]. As a result, it may be a blessing for workers and economies, as the internet diffusions help utilize relevant human and physical resources.
Another argument is that by moving specific downstream and ancillary industries to small cities, the Internet encourages technological innovation, boosts labor demand, and provides job opportunities. Small-town workers gain from manufacturing agglomeration without having to pay the congestion cost, and their marginal income from using the Internet is higher than in big cities [
90,
91]. In light of the potential for the rapid growth of people’s Internet access to reduce the income and wealth gap, Internet usage could be a boon for the labor force in the economy. In this case, the post-Soviet economies are still in transition in the case of exploiting the potential of the Internet. However, these economies have entered the Internet hub for reducing income inequality. Our finding is consistent with earlier studies by [
92,
93].
Regarding government expenditure, our finding is expected to reduce income inequality in the post-Soviet nations. This is because governments utilize fiscal policies to change the amount of expenditure to impact the overall economy. For example, the administration can use stimulus spending to boost economic activity by increasing state spending, reducing tax revenue, or combining the two [
94]. Increasing government spending stimulates economic growth directly by increasing the number of goods and services purchased from the private sector or indirectly by giving people more money to spend. In order to encourage economic growth without reducing tax revenue collection, people can either increase their disposable income or spend on goods and services. More importantly, government spending aims to set all sects of entities in businesses to perform and receive the fruits of fiscal policies equally. Thus, government spending helps reduce income inequality, which is factual in the post-Soviet countries. These countries mainly assist private firms in utilizing their capital in the government-constructed infrastructure. In addition, various governments of these countries attempt to build income-generating sectors to employ the people. Therefore, these countries’ fiscal initiatives, especially government spending, help reduce income equality.
Regulatory quality depends on how the institutional mechanisms of a country function in controlling and dictating relevant organs and processes of different socio-economic and political entities. In addition, reduced income and wealth disparities contribute to less polarization in societies and are linked to the state’s institutional capabilities. The state’s institutional capacity is the ability to enact and implement laws and regulations. Many subjective indices, such as those measuring government performance, the rule of law, and corruption control, are intended to assess the competence of state institutions and whether they are powerless to bias [
95]. The competency of the relevant institutions helps mobilize resources under appropriate policy implementation procedures [
96]. In this case, it is unsurprising that the post-Soviet economic context reduces income inequality through mobilizing resources. These countries are primarily resource-abundant, with reserves of natural resources such as coal, natural gas, oil, and critical minerals. Moreover, resource mobilization that applies institutional mechanisms has confirmed these economies’ income inequality. This finding is in line with some studies [
97,
98,
99,
100].
6. Conclusions and Policy Implications
The focal view of this study encompasses whether globalization and its associated two reverse phenomena, deglobalization and slowbalization, are functional in affecting income inequality. Considering this view, we examined the influencing magnitude of the decomposed measures of globalization, e.g., globalization de facto and de jure, internet diffusions and trade openness on the 12 post-Soviet countries’ income inequality within the purview of government spending and regulatory quality over the period 1991–2019. Due to huge disparities among the panel units, we applied the quantiles via moments approach to investigate the time–horizon connectedness between the variables. In addition, we legitimated our findings using another robust econometric method, namely Driscoll Kraay’s standard errors (DKSE) technique. Moreover, our essential contribution to the existing literature was to test the positive and negative influence of globalization on the post-Soviet countries’ income inequality with its diverse clusters, including the income inequality Gini coefficient, the income share of the top 1%, the income share of the top 10% and the income share of the bottom 60%.
We explored some interesting findings. First, globalization de facto (globalized policy implementation spectrum) helps reduce income inequality in the case of post-Soviet economies. We observed this finding through generalized and percentile measures of inequality. Focusing on top income shares is essential, since a large portion of the population’s overall income is concentrated among the top income earners in countries with high levels of income inequality. This means that understanding the income dynamics of the top income shares can provide insight into the overall income inequality of a country. For example, the magnitude of globalization de facto in the top 1% income group is higher at q.25 and q.50 than its magnitude on the bottom 60% segment of the population. In other words, the effect of globalization on lowering the income of the rich at q.25 and q.50 is higher than its effect on increasing the income of the bottom class in the post-Soviet economies. This finding implies the implementation of the globalized policies as adopted for these economies’ progress in income and expenditure for socio-economic development. Second, internet diffusions are favorable for diminishing the income gap in these economies. However, the positive role of these two globalization parameters (globalization de facto and the Internet diffusions) indicates the non-existence of deglobalization in these countries. Third, globalization de jure (globalized policy formulation spectrum) is inconsequential in affecting income inequality. This finding is usual in the post-soviet countries’ context because of the lack of timely policy initiatives to control income inequality. Fourth, trade openness also has an ineffective role in reducing the income inequality of these countries. This finding occurs due to a lack of utilizing trade-related channels for income enhancement and income inequality reduction. Moreover, the futile influence of these two globalization dynamics (such as globalization de jure and trade openness) on income inequality illustrates the existence of slowbalization in the case of these post-Soviet economies. Fifth, government spending contributes to trimming down income inequality. This finding relates to the government’s policy measures for encouraging private business entities by providing funds and infrastructural facilities. This government scheme is critical in providing employment facilities for the people and reducing income inequality. Finally, the regulatory quality of these economies is beneficial for reducing income inequality by mobilizing resources.
We provide several policy implications. First, globalization is a multifaceted issue for diverse countries’ integration regarding socio-economic, political, informational, and cultural issues. Every country must comply with these globalized dynamics for overall development. In this regard, we observe the existence of slowbalization in the context of the post-Soviet countries due to the insignificant role of globalization de jure and trade openness. Therefore, these countries’ policymakers should formulate appropriate policies for exploiting the full-length potentials of the globalization dynamics. The partial employment or sluggish condition of this factor can push these countries onto the trajectory of deglobalization by increasing massive gaps in people’s income. Second, these countries are affluent with natural resources, which can be the catalyst for establishing a resource-based industry. This solid industry base can help connect these countries to the globalized process of trade liberation. Therefore, trade openness can substantially increase income and decrease income inequality. Notably, trade-based firms and industries can provide employment facilities to curb the disparity in income of these economies. Third, signing trade-related negotiations and treaties is a must for the industrial development of these economies, which can help reduce the income gap between the people. Fourth, these economies should attract foreign direct investment to be massively associated with globalization. This can fortify the capital base of local firms engaging all sects of people in industrial functions. Finally, we find in our study that globalization de jure, i.e., the policy adoption spectrum of these economies, is inconsequential in reducing income inequality. From this perspective, the regulatory quality of these countries should be strengthened for implementing policies relating to globalization. Authorized institutions’ stringent oversight mechanisms can prevent these economies from being engulfed by slowbalization and deglobalization. Moreover, globalization parameters can boost income and trim income inequality in post-Soviet countries.
This study only focused on certain measures of globalization, such as globalization de facto and de jure, internet diffusion, and trade openness. Future research could explore other measures of globalization to gain a better understanding of the multifaceted nature of globalization. Finally, the study only examines the impact of globalization on income inequality, but there may be other factors at play, such as education and social policies. Future research could explore the interplay between these factors and globalization to better understand the relationship between globalization and income inequality.