Dɛnkyɛm: Identity Development and Negotiation Among 1.5-Generation Ghanaian American Millennials

Abstract

Ghanaian immigrants are largely ignored in U.S.-based scholarship. Within this qualitative study, I explored the experiences of 1.5-generation Ghanaian American millennials with the purpose of understanding how they create, negotiate, and re-create identities. Using a phenomenological approach, I examined the experiences of eight individuals to specifically understand the creation and negotiation of national, ethnic, and racial identities in public and private spaces. I argue that the 1.5-generation is uniquely socially positioned and forced to code-switch and adapt based on age, race, and nationality, all while still learning to adjust to living in the U.S. The findings suggest that many individuals of this generation had unrealistic expectations of what life in the United States was like, which made the initial transition difficult. Participants also discussed a common theme of bullying at school and a distinct difference between their home life and public life. Racialization was the most challenging aspect of life participants faced as it related to their adjustment to mainstream U.S. society and revealed complex layers that are involved in identity development and negotiation. I close with suggestions for future research and implications for practice for scholars, policymakers, and community members.

1. Introduction

“Ɔdɛnkyɛm da nsuo mu nanso ɔhome mframa,”

“The crocodile lives in water yet it breathes air.”1

—Akan Proverb

While much of the research concerning immigration focuses on international relations and public policy (Eshun 2006), more attention is warranted exploring the experiences of immigrants and their families that specifically relate to their social identities that include, but also go beyond, racial identity formations (Asante et al. 2016). Tajfel (1982) described social identity as a component of an individual’s self-concept that comes from their awareness of belonging to a social group, or groups, along with the value and emotional importance they associate with that membership. Identity development is the process of examining and combining different parts of oneself, such as personal values, beliefs, and goals, to create a clear and unified understanding of one’s identity (Erikson 1968). Examining these experiences supports scholarship in better articulating how social identities impact immigration, acculturation, and self-agency of groups and individuals.

The United States has seen a dramatic increase in immigration since the passing of the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965 because the new amendment replaced the national origin quota with a new system that allowed a more open process for individuals to receive visas to the U.S. based on familial and labor needs (Massey and Pren 2012). Subsequently, the Refugee Act of 1980 and the U.S. Immigration Act of 1990 were instrumental in opening the U.S. to more African immigrants and refugees (Anderson 2015). There were approximately 80,000 African immigrants in the United States in 1970. By 2013, the number of Black (i.e., African, Afro-Caribbean) immigrants in the United States quadrupled since 1980 (Anderson 2015) and rose to 4.2 million in 2016 (Anderson and Lopez 2018). The number of Ghanaian immigrants has risen almost 200% since 2000 (Tamir and Anderson 2022). By exploring the experiences of Ghanaian Americans, scholars, activists, policymakers, and community members, specifically, can work to understand Ghanaian immigrants better and create a more inclusive and welcoming society. Further, it is possible to learn how this group adapts and adjusts based on different environments.

More specifically, millennial Ghanaian U.S. immigrants are largely ignored in scholarship, which is why the experiences of this demographic should be explored, highlighted, and valued. The Millennial generation is the largest generation in U.S. history (Scardamalia 2015). The Pew Research Center identifies millennials as those born between 1981 and 1996, but generational start and cutoff years are only an estimate, not a scientific measure (Dimock 2018). For example, Howe and Strauss (2002) categorize millennials as born between 1982 and 2002. Because generational categories are not exact and are slightly flexible, millennials, for the sake of this study, are considered those born between 1982 and 2002.

The millennial generation continues to grow partly because of the increase in international immigration into the United States (Scardamalia 2015). The size and diversity of this generation make millennials a valuable focal point for exploration, as it centers and explores various identities (racial, gender, ethnic, cultural) among Ghanaian American millennials in a country as ethnically diverse as the United States. Further, much of the scholarship on immigration groups immigrants into categories based on larger regions instead of countries (e.g., Africa/West Africa vs. Ghana), but a more thorough analysis of the experiences of immigrant communities that focuses specifically on Ghanaian immigrants and their descendants helps reveal their unique experiences that are different from those of other African immigrants, other Black immigrants, and other Americans of African descent. This study explored, among other things, the various relationships 1.5-generation Ghanaian immigrants2 in the U.S. have with their families, friends, and other social networks as a contribution to the scholarly articulation of the role multiple identities/factors play in formulating and expressing various identities and negotiating social spaces.

2. African Immigrants in the United States

African immigrants, including Ghanaians, have unique experiences in their new host country–the United States of America. Arthur (2010), Moore (2013), Ette (2012), and Showers (2015) explored the experiences of African immigrants in the United States. Moore (2013) focused on African immigrants in Texas, and Ette (2012) focused specifically on Nigerian immigrants in the United States (U.S.), but the analysis the latter presented provides a comprehensive background for discussions related to Ghanaian Americans because he explored a variety of immigration experiences and motivating factors.

These studies discuss varying influences on migration and provide personal accounts of immigration experiences and adjustment strategies. In African Diaspora Identities: Negotiating Culture in Transnational Migration, Arthur (2010) examined, in depth, African migrations from various countries as they relate to African immigrant transitional identities, transnational networks in the United States, gender, and relationships with American-born Black citizens. Many Africans view the United States as a place where they can achieve their goals and improve their lives (Arthur 2010). These goals include educational attainment and financial stability. Scholars have shown that increased emigration from a particular nation can result in host community backlash. Dominant Western narratives, especially those that are negative, often ignore their academic achievements and characterize them as welfare dependents while also forcefully racializing many African immigrants (Arthur 2010). Based on data from the 2003 New Immigrant Survey, Han (2020) argues that dark-skinned immigrants experience a “steeper downward occupational mobility” (p. 721) when compared to their counterparts with lighter skin tones. One’s skin tone can influence how likely professional skills are considered transferrable. Han’s analysis of these data demonstrates how racism is embedded in U.S. societies and impacts Black, including African, immigrants even when it may be unknown to the individual.

Showers (2015) sought to nuance the literature around race and ethnicity with Black women immigrants in the U.S. in healthcare professions. Based on in-depth interviews with forty-two women from Nigeria, Ghana, Liberia, and Sierra Leone in her article “Being Black, Foreign and Woman: African Immigrant Identities in the United States,,” she challenged previous research related to ethnicity and added depth to the literature pertaining to experiences of Black immigrants and West African immigrants in healthcare settings. Participants in Showers’ study gave vivid accounts of experiences of racism in the workplace. The racism ranged from interactions with patients to supervisors. For example, one participant described introducing herself to a new patient and the White family members requesting they receive a new nurse. The women identified as Black, but in contrast to those who posit race and ethnicity against each other, the women also maintained salient ethnic identities. They discussed noticing racial hierarchies in their places of employment and described how their “foreignness” was unavoidable, mainly due to their accents. They believed being from Africa resulted in added layers of discrimination in conjunction with being Black.

Derived from their interviews of 87 immigrants from eastern Africa in the Minneapolis and St. Paul metropolitan area, Guenther et al. (2011) found that their participants were surprised at the racialization of U.S. societies, and many described experiences of overt racism, such as discrimination by police officers. Many participants also explained how they wished to distinguish themselves from native-born African Americans in an effort to avoid increased racial stereotypes and social immobility, and some explained that they were culturally different from African Americans. Several of the participants in this study also held negative sentiments and their own stereotypes against African Americans. Simultaneously, some participants described how those efforts were pointless because not being categorized as “African American” did not mean that they would not be categorized as “Black” and subsequently experience racial prejudice and discrimination. The majority of participants were also Muslim, and they described experiences of discrimination based on their religion from White and Black individuals. Despite their negative experiences, many participants still expressed pride in their religious beliefs and nationality. They described not just wanting to maintain a distinctiveness from multigenerational African Americans but also from other groups to highlight their cultural distinctiveness.

3. Ghanaian Immigrants in the United States

According to the Pew Research Center, there were approximately 190,000 Ghanaian-born immigrants living in the United States in 2019 (Tamir and Anderson 2022). While in the United States, many Ghanaian immigrants attempt to maintain a sense of their cultural identity (e.g., Asante, Fante, Gã). The larger waves of Ghanaian migration to the United States began in the 1970s. Prior to the 1970s, Ghanaians, like other non-Europeans, were hampered by the racist and exclusionist immigration policies toward Black Africans (Gordon 1998). Even though there is no solid evidence of any overt racial bias in U.S. immigration policy after 1965, certain practices have given Africans reasons to doubt the ingenuousness of the United States’ legal and social acceptance of Africans in general (Opoku-Dapaah 2006). There are still practices that attempt to discourage migration from the Global South because although overt racist language was removed from policies, racist, structural, and systemic practices still prevail. Ghanaians seeking entry into the United States encounter long delays and reduced prospects in comparison with immigrants from Asia and Europe.

Further, compared to immigrants from other countries, few Ghanaians are allowed entry into the United States under permanent immigration criteria such as family, independents, and personal investors (Opoku-Dapaah 1997, as cited in Opoku-Dapaah 2006). The small numbers of Ghanaians who do gain admission into the United States are selected based on their professional experience and academic accomplishments, which disqualify many Ghanaian applicants (Opoku-Dapaah 2006), and these accomplishments that are utilized to gain entrance into the country do not change the popularized negative narrative about African immigrants. Still, Ghanaians living in the United States are a heterogeneous group comprised of diverse professionals, families (Opoku-Dapaah 2006), and identities.

Adjepong’s (2018) work with primarily 1.5-generation Ghanaian immigrants residing in Houston, Texas helped provide more background on the experiences of Ghanaian immigrants’ children who were raised in the U.S. for this current study. Adjepong’s project uncovered that, despite being raised in the United States, most of the participants chose to identify as African because of their cultural and familial heritages. In addition, several participants discussed how they felt isolated in their predominately White neighborhoods. Adjepong drew connections with their experiences of isolation with race and racism because, while the participants described themselves as the only African, in these instances of isolation and discrimination, they were also the only Black person. Further, while some participants viewed themselves as culturally different from Black Americans, they did not disassociate themselves from a racial Black identity although they could choose to make their socio-political racial identity less prominent; they maintained their cultural uniqueness but still recognized and claimed the racial identity that results in daily systematic discrimination, and they used that awareness to build relationships with other Americans. Their experiences highlight the identity negotiation African and Ghanaian immigrants have experienced in the U.S.

4. Identity

Scott (2015) notes that identity is a fusion of ideas one holds about oneself, the various roles a person plays in different settings, and the characteristics that make them unique. Identities are individual and social phenomena. Jaspal (2014) explains that social and psychological change can affect individual identities and actions, demonstrating that the processes by which an individual negotiates their identities are both personal (influenced by individual decisions) and social (influenced by societal pressures). As an example, an individual who is negotiating their racialized identity may respond to racism or stereotypes based on their own beliefs in conjunction with their current surroundings. One significant factor to note about identities is that they cannot be disaggregated. “Membership in various social groups combine with and mutually constitute one another,” and it is the unity of these various relationships “in their mutual constitution” that encompasses the individual self (Hames-García 2000, p. 103).

Since the concepts of identity, identity formation, and identity negotiation constitute a multitude of social experiences and individual reasonings that are in constant conversation with one another, identity saliency is always being challenged and shifted. Because of the complexities of identity, the categories of race, ethnicity, and culture will remain central to the conversation. These categories are most prominent because they are most salient when evaluating one’s social experiences. Further, “this multiplicity of the self becomes obscured through the logic of domination to which the self becomes subjected” (Hames-García 2000, p. 104). Constantly performing to be socially accepted by the terms of individual groups and in individual settings becomes taxing.

To better understand the experiences of immigrants and their families, their social position must be put into context. Immigrants are often alienated in their new place of residence (Alexander 1996), and this sense of alienation for Black immigrants can be a result of not only cultural differences but also social identities that have negative connotations. Being a racial minority and ethnic minority in the U.S. has its own set of social connotations, which cannot be separated from gender identities as new immigrant groups are forced to confront racism and negotiate the process of racialization, which influences the degree of cultural, economic, and social integration into the U.S. culture (Smith et al. 2001).

Immigration involves an acculturation process, and part of this process involves adjusting to a new culture and environment (Kamya 1997), which can prove to be difficult for Black African immigrants as many are not used to living in a racialized country. This new racialized society adds another layer to the acculturation process for Black African immigrants. Immigrants from Africa and the Afro-Caribbean region are generally politically classified as Black in the United States (Benson 2006), and they usually experience marginalization because of their new racialized category (Waters 1994).

Shaw-Taylor (2007) argues that many African immigrants prefer not to be classified as Black in an attempt to not only distinguish themselves as culturally distinct from other groups but also in hopes of avoiding racism. For most Black immigrants, it is an “unremitting process of defining and negotiating social situations as the Other Black people in America” (Shaw-Taylor 2007, p. 27). Tormala and Deaux (2006) note that, in many ways, Black immigrants and Black Americans are perceived in the same manner because their skin color groups them together. “Whether by passersby, customers walking around a store, or drivers in an upper-class neighborhood, Black immigrants will be categorized as Black and subjected to the same kinds of race-based bias and discrimination as American Blacks” (Tormala and Deaux 2006, p. 137).

Arthur (2010) argues that subclass categories prevent African immigrants from fully integrating into U.S. society, and I argue that this is the case for most Americans of color or other marginalized identities. Understanding the stratification of social and racial groups in the U.S. can assist African immigrants in navigating the complexities of American society early in their transition. By recognizing the oppressive systems present in the U.S., they become better prepared to handle situations they might not have encountered in their home countries, such as the perception that Black individuals do not belong in certain spaces. In other words, as I have argued before, forming a subgroup, or being “drafted” into one, precludes, a priori, assimilation into mainstream U.S. society. Being labeled as Black and recognizing this category can potentially prevent some of the heartbreak and disappointment caused by racism because it is expected and not shocking.

Black immigrants experience similar types of discrimination and racism as U.S.-born multigenerational Black Americans, but they also, simultaneously, experience cultural racism that is a direct result of being an immigrant. Kretsedemas (2013) described cultural racism that relates to anti-immigrant sentiments. Beyond attacking immigrants, Kretsedemas (2013) notes that cultural racism targeting non-White immigrants can only take place when immigration is racialized and is a response to the fear of White dominance dissolving due to the increase in immigrants who are not White. Understanding racism and cultural racism nuances the discriminatory practices aimed at immigrants. Kretsedemas (2013) explains that immigrants are more likely to attribute the discrimination they experience to ethnicity or culture rather than race. This is also the case for millennials who are still learning how racist acts present themselves.

5. Theoretical Framework

Identities are not fixed and are continually being shaped as individuals grow, develop, and have different social experiences (Jenkins 2008). This understanding of the complexities of identity requires an investigation into how identities are created, shaped, and negotiated among 1.5-generation Ghanaian American millennials. Instead of highlighting one identity (i.e., culture, race), this study is situated at the intersection of the private and the public. That is to say that this study explores the relational process and social practice by which identity saliency is developed and expressed in public and private spaces, with particular attention being given to race, culture, gender, and ethnicity. Positing this study concerning the relationship between identities and social and personal experiences in both public and private spaces/situations allows for more comparative and multi-paradigmatic analyses and makes room for a better understanding of the full lives of participants.

Immigrants do not solely situate themselves as international guests or “new American[s]”; Kretsedemas (2013) argues that they rather situate themselves as a part of a cultural diaspora being forced to negotiate the influences of “the postcolonial identities of the old land and the ethnicities and racial politics of the new land” (p. 17). The structure and significance of the “old land,” or birth country/familial home country, still maintain prominence, especially for those of the first generation since they have a stronger memory of this old land, but maintaining a strong ethnic identity does not mean that one cannot simultaneously associate themselves with a racial identity. Unfortunately, no single theory conceptualizes the influence of all these identity markers and how they interact. Instead of attempting to conceptualize every aspect of identity development and negotiation, I utilize identity process theory (IPT) (Breakwell 1986) as the overarching theoretical framework.

To understand the IPT, Breakwell (1986) first describes the complexities of identity. She asserts that identity is a “social product, residing in psychological processes, which cannot be understood except in relation to its social context and historical perspective” (p. 9). Breakwell’s understanding of identity dynamics explains why an integrated, interdisciplinary approach to this study is essential because identity is complex and dynamic. Breakwell also explores the work of other identity theorists who argue that there is a difference between the personal and the social (see Turner 1976) or the public and the private (see Fenigstein et al. 1975). Breakwell also argues that data related to identity work demonstrate that individuals do, in fact, recognize the differences between personal (i.e., feelings and characteristics) and social (i.e., race, religion, gender) identities and that they negotiate their most prominent identities and behaviors based on the specific situation. Breakwell’s model does not make a distinction between personal and social identities but instead argues that they work together, and social identities, in some sense, become personal. These identities can become engrained into our daily lives and actions to the point that we hold on to them regardless of the social context, and they influence self-esteem. This implies that our social interactions impact our personal beliefs and identities. Social interactions influence how we see the world and how we perceive the world sees us, which in turn guides how we choose to interact with others.

Breakwell asserts that identity structures can be described through a content and value dimension. The content dimension can be characterized by (1) the degree of centrality, (2) the hierarchical arrangements of elements, and (3) the relative salience of components, but she acknowledges that these components, or dimensions, are neither static nor unresponsive to changes. Each of these constituents of the content dimension have positive and negative values, which then leads to the value dimension of identity. She notes, “The value of each element is open to reappraisal as a consequence of changes in social value systems and modifications in the individual’s position in relation to such social value systems” (p. 277). Simply put, societies and societal values are constantly changing, which means individual values will also be subject to these changes within society. Therefore, 1.5-generation immigrants must constantly appraise and reappraise their identities in relation to the social context. Further, these appraisals are within the context of when someone was born, which influences the society in which they are raised. Millennials also have to consider how their difference in age impacts their social value systems.

In the context of transnational migration, where the roles of identities shift, rearrange, and gain new meaning, it is imperative to recognize the flexibility of the dimensions outlined by Breakwell. Identities are also structured around “the dynamic process of accommodation/assimilation” (Breakwell 2001, p. 277), which can be best understood as a memory system that involves the taking in of new elements in relation to structuring one’s identity (assimilation) and the readjustment of established identity structures to make space for the new elements (accommodation). Assimilation, therefore, is mainly the taking on of elements from a new society, whereas those who accommodate take some aspects of the new society but not all, as they negotiate which elements work best for them in any given situation. This IPT model helps us better understand how individuals manage experiences that threaten their identities (Breakwell 1986).

Breakwell (1986) identified three main identity principles, which are said to guide the universal processes of identity formation: continuity across time and situation; two processes working to create individual distinctiveness; and self-esteem, or social value. Since identities develop in specific socio-historical contexts, the saliency and meanings of these principles can change over time. Further, IPT asserts that saliency and other changes of identity occur with a purpose. The individual exerts their agency by creating, changing, and adjusting the saliency of identities based on their own personal, cultural, and social situations and needs. While social context is imperative to understanding identities, they are not the only factors to consider because individuals hold multiple, intersecting identities that make that person unique. Breakwell’s IPT is vital for this study because it will assist in formulating the decision-making process of Ghanaian Americans in relation to identity saliencies and expressions as they negotiate the U.S. social terrain.

6. Method

The questions guiding this study centered around identity development and cultural expression for millennial 1.5-generation Ghanaian immigrants in the United States. These questions aim to provide a better understanding of how this group is raised and socialized and interacts with the larger society where they reside. The specific guiding questions were:

(1)

How are social and cultural identities such as race, ethnicity, and gender shaped, maintained, negotiated, and expressed for millennial 1.5-generation Ghanaians in the United States? What influences do race, racism, and gender have on their daily lives?

(2)

How are Ghanaian millennials in the United States taught about race? What experiences influence their conceptualization of race and Blackness?

(3)

How do the lived experiences of Ghanaian immigrants influence their identity construction?

This study utilized an integrated, qualitative methodological approach to gain a comprehensive understanding of the experiences of participants. Qualitative work targets a specific population sample, context, or event (Gerring 2017). More specifically, a phenomenological perspective centered on the study’s participants provided meaning to their personal lived experiences through the methodological approach. The lived experiences of the participants and their interpretation of these experiences are fundamental to phenomenological studies (Merriam 2009); therefore, this approach was utilized to aid in understanding how the participants interpret their own experiences as immigrants in the U.S. Since this study focused on the identities that are salient to the participants and how they negotiate different social and private spaces, I centered on individual perspectives. Therefore, a phenomenological approach was most appropriate to grasp an understanding of how individuals understand the phenomena of emigrating, negotiating identities, and developing a racial/Black identity.

6.1. Sampling Procedure

The general population for the present article was from a broader study exploring and comparing the experiences of first, 1.5-generation, and second-generation Ghanaian Americans in the United States. The method of sampling for this study was criterion-based, or purposive sampling. Patton (2002) discusses that a criterion-based sampling procedure involves studying cases that meet a predetermined criterion that is of some significance. There were two criteria established, and participants needed to meet them to be eligible for participation. First, this study investigates the identities of millennials, so being born between 1982 and 2002 was fundamental. The millennial generation was chosen because this generation of Ghanaian Americans was neglected in scholarship. Further, choosing one generation allows for a more comprehensive understanding of a group’s experiences because global events impacted the group when they were all within the same age range. Second, participants needed to be first-, 1.5-generation, or second-generation Ghanaian Americans.

Purposeful and snowball sampling was utilized to recruit participants. Purposeful sampling, or criterion-based sampling, requires participants to meet specific criteria to participate in the study (Palinkas et al. 2015). I used two platforms (social media and community organizational outreach) to recruit initial participants. First, I posted a flyer on my personal Instagram and Facebook pages with the requirements for the study and my contact information for those who wanted to participate. Along with flyers on my personal accounts, I reached out to individuals I found online who fit the criteria. I searched #Ghana, #GhanaMade, and similar hashtags and sent individual messages to those who could be potential participants. After recruiting participants, I used snowball sampling methods to reach more potential participants. Snowball sampling occurs when one participant works as a recruiter and connects more potential participants with the research (Merriam 2009). These sampling procedures resulted in 21 participants, eight of whom were 1.5-generation Ghanaian millennials and the focus of this article. The participants are highlighted in

Table 1. Participants.

Pseudonym (Sex)	Birth Year	Country of Birth (Region)	Relocation to the U.S.	Ghanaian Ethnic Identity	“Racial”/Other Identity or Category(Self-Identified)	Recruitment Tool
Akosua (F)	1993	Ghana (Ashanti)	1996 and 2001	Ashanti	Ghanaian American;	Instagram
Ama (F)	1989	Ghana (G.A.)	1996	Ashanti	African American	Snowball
Bob (M)	1995	Ghana (G.A.)	2007	Ashanti and Gã	Black; Ghanaian American	Facebook
Kofi (M)	1987	Ghana (Eastern)	1988	Ashanti	Black; Ghanaian American	Word of Mouth
Maame Acesi (F)	1995	Ghana (G.A.)	2006	Gā and Ewe	Ghanaian American	Snowball
Nanyanika (F)	1995	Ghana (G.A.)	2006	Gā and Ewe	Black; Ghanaian	Instagram
Stella (F)	1990	Ghana (G.A.)	1997	Ashanti	African; Ghanaian American	Facebook
Thema (F)	1992	Ghana (G.A.)	2004	Akwapim	Ghanaian; Ghanaian American; African American	Instagram

.

6.2. Data Collection Methods

I conducted one-on-one, semi-structured interviews with each participant. Semi-structured interviews are more flexible, allowing the interviewer to ask more open-ended questions and in an order that works best for each interview (Merriam 2009). This interviewing process was deemed viable due to the ability to ask participants follow-up questions. The interview protocol consisted of two main sections. The first section asked participants about their experiences with their families as immigrants, and the second section asked about their cultural identity and how they deploy their identities while interacting with the larger society. The interview questions were generated from a comprehensive review of the literature.

Most of the interviews were virtual and took place in private settings. One interview was in-person in a private setting due to scheduling convenience. All participants were informed of their rights as participants and of confidentiality clauses, and each participant granted permission to audio and video record the interview. Each participant was interviewed once with the option of a second, follow-up interview. Interviews lasted between 35 min and 116 min. All participants were assigned pseudonyms to protect their identity and to promote confidentiality. The pseudonyms were either a name they chose or their day name. In the Ghanaian Akan culture, it is common for individuals to refer to themselves by the name associated with the day they were born (Agyekum 2006). For example, among the Akan, if a female is born on a Wednesday, she can be referred to as Akua. Since day names are so popular, they suffice as pseudonyms because day names are not typically on one’s birth certificate. Further, there are only seven days in a week, so many people go by the same name. In the case of this study, there were a few participants who had the same day name, so we decided on different pseudonyms.

6.3. Data Analysis

Data was analyzed using line-by-line coding. Codes were created in order to identify any progression of themes. Codes were then organized into categories where themes and subthemes were drawn out. Themes and subthemes are found in

Table 2. Themes and subthemes.

Themes	Subthemes
Living in the United States	Ignorant Inquiries
	Bullying/Making Friends
Ghanaian Culture in the U.S.	Parenting and Culture
	Experiencing Gender Roles
Education
Identity and Acculturation	Experiencing Racism
	Distancing from African Americans
	In Between and on the Margins
	Code-Switching
	Being Ghanaian
	Being Black and American

. Member checking was also utilized. Member checking is when the researcher presents their findings to the participants to gain more insight into their interpretations and hold the researcher and their data accountable (Naidu and Prose 2018). Member checking was a critical point in the research process because the overall project is reciprocal, and participants should ensure their accounts are accurate since part of the purpose of this study is to highlight their voices. The member checking process also helped ensure the integrity of the study.

7. Findings

The findings highlight the narratives of 1.5-generation Ghanaian American millennials in the United States from this study. The three themes were shared commonalities found in these narratives and help shed light on the experiences of this demographic.

7.1. Living in the United States

The participants began learning about mainstream American culture at a younger age. Most of their experiences of learning about U.S. cultures took place in primary school, and their stories will be discussed under the education subtheme. They were also exposed to how ignorant many Americans were as it pertains to Ghana and Africa.

7.1.1. Ignorant Inquiries

Many of the participants discussed how they were constantly reminded that they were different compared to native-born Americans. They also came to realize through various interactions that when people think of Africa, they think of animals and pre-modernity. These questions began to overwhelm participant Stella to the point where she removed herself from socializing in school. She did not want to be known as “the girl from Africa,” so she made herself small to avoid hearing stereotypes and having to constantly defend herself. She stated:

So, my first semester in third grade, my first time in an American school, I didn’t speak for the whole three months [of] the first semester, and the teachers were worried. They were like, “She’s not talking. Does she not speak English? What’s wrong with her?” But I was getting A’s on all of my assignments. They even contemplated putting me in [a] remedial class, but they couldn’t justify it because I was doing really well in school. But the reason I wasn’t talking was because [on] my first day, everybody bombarded me with all these crazy questions, and I was so different, and I became so nervous that whenever I opened my mouth, I just wanted to cry. So, I didn’t talk for three months. So, it was things like that, just really having to normalize people. Well, not really. I guess normalize but also convince people that I was just as average and no different than them in terms of my lifestyle and how I live.

None of the participants of the 1.5-generation were eager to explain their culture and birth country to classmates. This is likely due to their age, stage of adjusting to a new environment, and varying levels of comfort with American born students in their classes. Because many dealt with bullying, teasing, discrimination, and general misunderstanding with classmates, it is easy to understand why some would be apprehensive with other students.

Experiences in educational settings were quite significant for this group because many of them went to school in both Ghana and the U.S. School, for many, was their initial contact with American culture, and this was a difficult transition for many in this group. The experiences of the 1.5-generation were unique because they all began school in elementary or middle school when they relocated to the U.S. They came of age while in the U.S.

7.1.2. Bullying/Making Friends

Unfortunately, bullying and teasing were a significant part of this group’s K–12 educational experience. The microaggressions and bullying ranged from their accents to their ethnicity. Bob discussed how he experienced culture shock in school. He explained that everyone was friendly in Ghana, and he did not have the same experience in the U.S. He said:

Here, if they don’t know you, no one really makes you feel welcome….me being an African kid, you know, black as hell with a thick accent. The kids made fun of me because, at that time no one really, had that knowledge of where we’re from, where their background is. So, Africans were not respected. Me being in elementary and middle school, I was so angry. I would hate myself for being an African. I would hate myself for having an accent. So, I mean, the transition has some good parts about it and some bad parts obviously. So, overall, I would say the bad [outweighed] the good because [of] how much the kids were ignorant about where I was from. But, apart from that, everything was okay. It’s good. I never hated the people that [were] there and how much people made fun of me and stuff like that. So apart from that, everything was okay.

Bob went to an ethnically diverse school but was made fun of because he was African. He said that the African American kids were more animated with their teasing. Even though some African Americans made fun of him more than others, his friends were mostly Latino and African American. He said he was drawn more to African Americans and played soccer primarily with Latinos. He also went on to describe how he began to gain more confidence. He explained:

I will say when I was [a] little kid, obviously, some kids don’t look the best…and I was one of those kids. As I was growing, my body start[ed] to fit into each other and [my head to body ration became more proportionate]. And obviously, I started to [become] more confident in myself because I began to realize this is me, and I have no choice but to embrace what I have. So, as I began to gain more confidence in myself, other people started to take notice, and they began to notice that, okay, you know, this guy is not what we have been talking about. I guess my American knowledge also grew, and I knew how to handle myself [in] certain situations and all of that. So, and obviously, I mean my, my accent subsided just a little bit, but when I get serious, it kind of like comes off…but, I mean, it’s just over time…people began to grow, people began to understand the African culture and understand the African man. And they began to basically see my culture in a different light. So, I guess that’s how it got better.

As Bob explained, he became more familiar with different cultures in the U.S., which helped him adjust with his classmates while, simultaneously, he noticed his schoolmates becoming more familiar with his culture. Even though the participants have moved past these negative memories, we must address not only what is being done to prevent such experiences, but also how these experiences impact their sense of self: their identity formation and expression. Simply having multicultural settings does not mean there are no instances of bias and discrimination. People within the same racial category or under the umbrella termed people of color can still perpetuate cultural racism and microaggressions. This is why there needs to be consistent lessons, especially in schools, about cultural awareness, diversity, and acceptance.

7.2. Ghanaian Culture in the U.S.

Everyone has a unique home life experience. Participants were asked about their homes growing up and how they were related to a “traditional3” American home. Each varied in its relation to what would be considered an average Ghanaian home, but they all maintained at least a small bit of Ghanaian culture.

7.2.1. Parenting and Culture

One of the most prominent differences between participants’ homes and an American home was the culture. Stella described how her mother maintained Ghanaian traditions in the home. She explained:

Yes. She did, she did. She only speaks to us in Twi. Sometimes, she doesn’t even realize it when she’s talking to us [in] between languages. So yeah. She only speaks to us Twi. She doesn’t really cook American food ever. Every once in a while, she does, but it’s not on her list of things she does. She prays a lot. We’re a very religious family, so having a church family and church community is really important to her and us.

Just like Stella’s mother, Nanyanika’s father was intentional about maintaining Ghanaian traditions. In reference to the Ghanaian traditions and culture in her home, she said:

Oh yes. With foods, or clothes. My dad never let us forget. It wasn’t, maybe it’s just how they raised us, but it wasn’t forced on us. But, at the same time, it was like we weren’t really allowed to forget.

Many of the participants do not speak Twi, or any other indigenous Ghanaian language, fluently. Kofi began speaking when he moved to the United States, and he had to speak English in daycare. If he mixed up his words between English and Twi, no one at his school would understand. He was forced to speak primarily English, but he does know a bit of Twi and even Swahili. English was also the primary language spoken in Akosua’s home. She said:

[My] parents both speak English very fluently. I think also for a matter of convenience, it’s just easier to say something in English than sitting there trying to have a whole conversation in my native tongue. And also, I think because my dad was in medical school and my mom was just starting in her nursing career [it was more convenient].

Bob, who lived with his father in the U.S., is fluent in Twi and English. He said that he primarily speaks to his father in Twi and that he speaks to his mother, who lives in Ghana, in Twi. His consistent communication with his mother, and his father’s emphasis on speaking Twi at home, helps him maintain the language as a 1.5-generation immigrant despite living in the U.S. Thema also explained that she is fluent in Twi, Gã, and English.

Akosua’s father also tried to maintain Ghanaian traditions, but she did not like how strict he was. She said:

I think that my dad, for the longest time, tried to…raise us the way that he would if we were in Ghana, but I’m the oldest. With me, I wouldn’t say I’m a rebellious person; I won’t do anything crazy, but I think in my dad’s eyes, because I wasn’t going along with those things, I was seen as rebellious. It was a point in time when my dad and I would butt heads a lot because I just, especially when I got to college, I just wanted to explore me and figure out me.

Akosua was not the only person with parents who were considered to be strict. Many of the participants described growing up in a home with at least one strict, or more traditional, parent. Ama described how she realized her mother was stricter than her friends’ parents. She stated:

I thought all African parents were like this, but like as I got older…I realized my mom was like probably a little bit stricter than some Ghanaian parents…So my mom was like, “You’re not going to your friend’s house. I don’t know. I don’t trust [them].” Like, the only person I’ve ever slept over their house as a kid was [my cousin’s].

Beyond not being allowed to visit friends, Ama’s mother was also more traditional in relation to behavior. Ama’s older brother was misbehaving in school, so her mother made Ama and her younger brother go to Ghana to live for a while. She said:

But I always like to joke around and say that my mom deported me. Because African parents, like if you start misbehaving in any ways, they’re always like, “I’m going to send you back to Ghana. American kids are spoiled.” My mom like sent me back when I was like 16.

Nanyanika also described her strict parents. She said:

I think I just expected there to be more things that I could do in regard to fun and stuff, and they were available. It’s just my parents were too strict. They were like, “Yeah, no you’re not doing that.” I could have [done more social things] if they would have let me. While discussing what rules were enforced in the home, it became clear that there were more rules for the girls compared to the boys.

As some would recall, they considered their parents strict, particularly in comparison to their American friends. The juxtaposition between the traditions upheld in the home and American values participants experienced with their friends and schoolmates is an example of the constant negotiating that takes place and also the predicament youth may be in relating to children their age when they are living and being raised in the same country but still raised with different values and norms.

7.2.2. Experiencing Gender Roles

Many societies enforce strict, binary roles based on gender. These participants discussed gender roles in their homes and how they affected them. Ama, who has a younger and an older brother, was expected to abide by gendered rules that were more restrictive than those of the boys. She was forced to submit to gender roles even though she preferred to do other things. In her home, she was also the only sibling who was required to learn to cook and perform other duties. These gender roles described by participants usually subjected the girls to more domestic household labor. The experiences described were also all in comparison to family members and spouses. Their memories of learning what their family members thought was appropriate were based on their expectations in the home as opposed to their general upbringing and well-being. Stella also discussed how she was groomed differently based on her gender. She said:

Family dynamics. I always feel like a lot of gender roles come into play. My mom was very adamant about raising me a certain way and raising my brother a certain way. Even now, when we go to family events, [she’s] always like, “You’re the girl. You’re supposed to be doing this. And you’re the guy. You’re not supposed to be doing this.” So, my mom did a whole lot of training in terms of cleaning, cooking, [and] preparing to be a wife. But she gave my brother a lot more freedom because he was a guy, so she always worried about me. Well, no. She worried about both of us.

Stella, just like Ama, was raised differently from her brother. The women discussed their subjugation to more chores, and Ama was very vocal about it not being fair. Kofi, who is a man, also discussed gender roles. He told a story about a specific situation with his family. He said:

My family was here this weekend, and my parents are divorced, and my mom still got my dad’s plates and his table up and all of that type of stuff and that’s just what she does. Then, my little sister’s asking me, I’m her brother and her husband’s here, she made his plate and then she’s asking me what do you want to eat? I’m like, “Yo, chill out. I’m good.”

Growing up in a home with strict gender roles has also impacted Kofi’s relationships as an adult. He explained:

Definitely, and there’s part of me that struggles with that now because that doesn’t mean I don’t believe in gender roles. I think people have different things that naturally they just do but I think that I see it now more so myself that I‘m older. Dating becomes difficult because part of me is like, “well why don’t you adhere to x, y, z gender roles versus people that don’t,” it’s problematic. I mean, my mom and my sisters, they cook, and they clean. We cleaned as kids; you do the kids cleaning, but they did the bulk.

Kofi’s understanding of relationships and gender roles is influenced by his cultures and family members from older generations. His story highlights the dynamic of immigration, influence, and generation (age). Thema also explained that she has different views on gender compared to her parents. She said:

My dad, at some point, said, “You need to tone down the way you interact with men because you act like a tiger (mame jata), and not every man is going to be okay with a woman as vocal and dominant as you. So, you should probably learn how to adapt.” And I’m like, no, I’m me, I’m going to be me, and if somebody cannot accept that, then too bad. It is what it is. So, I don’t subscribe to any gender roles. I don’t think women should do x and men should do whatever. I think it’s a mutual partnership.

Gender roles were a significant part of growing up for many of the participants, but many did not share the same views as their family elders. They were raised differently, simultaneously experiencing Ghanaian and Western cultures and during a different global area as millennials.

7.3. Learning Significance of Race and Racism

Since most of the participants emigrated to the U.S. at a young age, they often did not have any conception of race before moving to the U.S. Nanyanika explained that because people in Ghana are usually separated by ethnicity or socioeconomic status, race was not a popular discussion in the country.

7.3.1. Experiencing Racism

Many participants recalled experiencing race and racism at younger ages, primarily in school settings. While some discussed not learning the significance and intricacies of race and racism in the U.S. until they went to college, others described experiencing overt and covert racist attacks from classmates in primary and secondary school. Nanyanika also described bullying and racism in school. She said:

So, at school, I know I was getting racist notes…They were saying like, “Go back to the jungle,” and things like that. And then I reported it to the administration, but the principal didn’t take it seriously

Akosua also described microaggressions in high school. She said:

It was microaggressions about my hair or the way that I dressed or the way that I talked, especially because I was in advanced classes…We’d be walking in certain places that were dark, and I’m a dark-skinned girl, so they be like, “Smile, [Akosua], because we can’t see you.”

Akosua did not attend a racially or ethnically diverse school and learned what racism was while attending a predominately White school.

Experiencing interpersonal racism between peers and systemic racism by education administrators’ refusal to intervene in the face of discrimination are ways in which racism and other forms of discrimination perpetuate and become normalized. Elementary and middle school were difficult times for participants and influenced their identity development over time. These experiences greatly shaped how they adapted to the U.S. How participants developed and negotiated their identities was of great significance in this study. For the participants, they found certain spaces more welcoming and affirming than others.

7.3.2. Distancing from African Americans

Despite having little familiarity and personal experience with the complexities of race because they were emigrating from a country that placed a heavier emphasis on cultural and ethnic identities, many participants were intentional about distancing themselves from African Americans specifically, but not all Black people. Nanyanika believed her father had a significant influence on her desire not to associate with African Americans. She said:

Yeah, I think because he had been traveling before, and a lot of the churches he visited were African American churches. And there were things that he didn’t agree with…and even in the movies that we saw, they were either in gangs. They were very aggressive and combative. And Ghanaians, we’re very docile, for a lack of a better word. So, I think being exposed to African Americans in that sends made it…made him feel that way.

Nanyamika’s father was skeptical of African Americans based on media images, and those stereotypes were reinforced by the few African Americans he knew. For Nanyamika’, who grew up in a White neighborhood, the stereotypes were reinforced when she experienced bullying by African Americans. She explained that the White students at her school would usually ignore her, while the children who teased her were African Americans. Distancing herself from African Americans was a way to protect herself from feelings of negativity.

Her story was similar to that of Ama, who also discussed experiences of bullying that led her to distance herself from African Americans. For Ama, there is still a bit of bitterness that she holds due to the harm that was caused. She explained:

But, I mean, even like the stuff too being teased more by Black kids than anyone else…there’s a certain level of resentment, you know? Like I said, white kids, like I got made fun of for different reasons. You know, it was more personal. But, like, I feel like I was targeted for what I was, not for me as [Ama], for what I was by Black standards more.

It is the memory of childhood that still leads Ama to distance herself from multigenerational African Americans. The media’s influence is but one part of the larger story of how complex immigrant relationships are with members of the host community. Ama’s reflection also shows why there is a distinction between racism and cultural racism, as people of color, and even other immigrants, can perpetuate cultural racism and discrimination.

Despite participants explaining how they were bullied by White and Black children at school, it was only African Americans they were warned against. The influence of the media and preconceived notions did not prepare the participants for the situations they would find themselves in. Misinformation and general racism perpetuated by mass media created tension between the two groups (African American and Ghanaian American) when, in fact, the cultural racism and microaggressions came from people from all walks of life, regardless of race.

7.3.3. In between and on the Margins

Participants discussed the constant need to defend their identity to others. They felt as though they were marginalized as Ghanaians and Americans for various reasons. The reflections highlighted demonstrate how some participants felt as though they did not fully belong in different social settings. For example, Kofi said:

So, growing up, even with the ability to switch cultures back and forth, there’s times that I would have [to explain myself…One of the things was some [of the Ghanaians in my town] rocked with me and some didn’t because my Twi isn’t the best. It’s like you can hear my Twi with an accent…I was almost too African American, too Black for them. Which was funny because growing up as a child, I was too African for the Black Americans. I was somewhere in between.

Kofi finds himself between Ghanaian and African American cultures. He is in a constant state of negotiation. Like Kofi, Bob felt as if he was playing a balancing act with two cultures. This was captured when he stated:

So, I became very Americanized. [I] speak Twi at home [and] eat Ghanaian food and stuff like that, but when it comes to culture, stuff like that became very American. Sometimes, I feel like [my father] did me wrong because I’ll meet some Ghanaians, and the way that they act, I don’t act like that. I mean, it’s not just being Ghanaian…a group of Africans all get together and they talk about certain music and talk about [certain] movies and I’m like, “Damn, I’ve never heard this music. I’ve never seen this movie. I feel like I’m not African enough.” And then when I’m with the Americans and to talk about this…and that and I haven’t experienced that…Basically…I’m just in the middle.

Both Kofi and Bob experienced feeling like an outsider with Ghanaians and with Americans, which led them to identify with both cultures while simultaneously experiencing marginalization within both cultures. Along with having their identities challenged and needing to prove they belonged, code-switching became a tactic individuals learned and utilized to navigate various spaces.

7.3.4. Code-Switching

A few participants discussed code-switching in different situations. Nanyanika described how she code-switches for convenience and as a way to challenge stereotypes. She said:

One, just concern for, with white people, just concern for helping them reinforce negative stereotypes about Black people. So, when I’m more jovial and louder with my Black American friends or my Ghanaian friends, I wouldn’t necessarily do [that with a white person] because one, that makes them uncomfortable, and then they take that un-comfortability and translate it into a stereotype and reaffirm whatever bias they already have. So, it’s in my little way, I’m stopping the continuation of whatever that they think that Black people are…I’m not being fake with it. It’s just, again, communication and just making sure that things are not being misrepresented and misunderstood.

Stella, on the other hand, described code-switching between public spaces and private spaces at home with her mother.

A few participants discussed code-switching in different situations. Nanyanika explained how she code-switches for convenience. She said:

Yeah, I code-switch a lot. And it’s not out of [discomfort] …It’s more so out of convenience and understanding for the other person. I can’t talk in Pidgin to a white person.

Stella, on the other hand, has experienced more code-switching at home with her mother. She explained that her mother maintains more traditional Ghanaian cultural values, and Stella has tried to slowly show her mother that her personal values do not align. For many in this group, code-switching took place inside and outside of the home to avoid conflicts with their parents while also defending themselves against racism and cultural discrimination. Participants were also likely to identify with race. Their racial identity is one piece, and how they negotiated race in America as Ghanaians provides another layer of nuance.

7.3.5. Being Ghanaian

When discussing identity, it is impossible to avoid a Ghanaian identity. When I asked Kofi what makes him Ghanaian, he sat back and took a minute to think about the question. He answered:

What makes me Ghanaian? To me, a lot of it, outside of being born there, a lot of it is just culture. When I get off the phone, I’m about to go eat some rice and stew. You know what I’m saying? [I also know the language which I want to] pass down to my children.

Language and maintaining cultural traditions were a prominent symbol of Ghanaian identity for many participants. Thema articulated:

I still ascribe to most of my traditions. I still have family that live there. I still visit. I still have my Ghanaian name and find myself gravitating [toward] people of Ghanaian or West African culture in a space at first glance. I still eat the food. I speak the language. And now, more than ever, I realize and recognize the power of being an individual from Ghana, and it makes me proud, so I don’t try to leave that out of my story.

7.3.6. Being Black and American

Race and nationality became significant topics as these were the two main identities participants negotiated during their first few years in the U.S. When it came to maintaining an American identity, there were mixed feelings amongst the group. For example, Nanyanika discussed how she pulled away from her Ghanaian identity when she was younger in an attempt to be accepted by Americans, but this was short-lived, and she now highlights being Ghanaian before any other identity.

Ama, on the other hand, explained how she has maintained an American identity even if it is not always salient because living in the U.S. has greatly impacted her outlook on life. She explained:

I think what makes me American is my…maybe my accepting nature [or open-mindedness]. I think being a Ghanaian in America kind of made me see the different ways in which other people face adversity in America and what America is supposed to stand for, you know? …Understanding how awesome America is and its democratic nature, not is, but can be, could be. Just the potential of it. I think that’s what makes me American, that hopeful optimism.

Stella also discussed how her sense of American-ness is related to race. When asked about her racial identity, she explained she prefers to identify as Ghanaian or African American. She stated:

I guess, for me, it depends on the context or the setting that I’m in. I like to say that I’m purely African American racially also just because…everything is just so socially constructed. When most people think about Black, they think about Black culture. So, I try to emphasize both my race and my ethnicity as African American just to let people know. If my name doesn’t tell you, then I try to emphasize it as that way as well.… And a lot of it is also out of respect. Being Black in the U.S. is a very distinct experience, and that gets put on me, and I own that in certain contexts. But when I leave the U.S., I can claim my Ghanaian identity whenever I want. So, I think for me, I try not to put those same connotations on myself unless I’m in a setting, which this is usually what happens. Unless I’m in a space and that identity is put on me, I try to distinguish as much as possible.

Living in the U.S. has helped Stella recognize the country’s obsession with categorization. Her effort to distinguish herself from Black Americans was not because she did not want to associate with Black Americans, but rather because she recognized the cultural differences and did not want to claim a culture that was not hers. She identifies as African American because she was born on the African continent. For her, African American and Black American are, or can be seen as, different identifying categories.

What it means to be Black is multidimensional and does not have a uniform way of being. Learning that one is considered Black in a new land is intimidating, as it involves determining which characteristics and behaviors constitute this new racial identity. They are learning about race, and the stereotypes and social positioning that come along with it. As Harrison (2008) explains, the internationalization of American media has a profound impact on the ways in which U.S. societies, and the people who reside in those areas, are viewed. This is especially impactful for racial minorities when viewed in a negative light. The demonization and villainization of multigenerational Black Americans in the U.S. can create a negative image in the minds of others. So then, realizing one is now a part of the group they were taught to be fearful of takes time to comprehend.

Almost all participants identify as Black and/or African American, demonstrating their acceptance and internalization of the Black racial identity. Being Black immigrants continues to push the boundaries of what it means to be Black, how diverse our communities are, and how Black people do not need to look and behave the same to still work together and sympathize with one another.

8. Discussion

The findings of this study highlight the complexity of identity formation and salience for 1.5-generation Ghanaian Americans and the relationship between social consciousness and identity. Many of the 1.5-generation, at some point in their lives, wanted to conceal their Ghanaian identity to shield themselves from cultural discrimination, but later found power and pride in being Ghanaian and being Ghanaian in the U.S.

In alignment with Breakwell (1986), their behaviors and identity development were contingent upon various factors, including social environment. Many participants experienced teasing and bullying for being from Africa and Ghana, so they wanted to mask the attributes that were noticeable or stood out. Jaspal et al. (2020) explored British national identity among minoritized communities in the United Kingdom. Similar to my study, their findings revealed that Black individuals (Black African and Black Caribbeans) were more likely to report experiencing ethnic discrimination, and Black individuals from the Caribbean had more salient ethnic identities. The individuals in my study also experienced a type of outsider treatment by other Ghanaians and West Africans whichled them to hyper-express their cultural identity in those public spaces to seek affirmation. This finding aligns with Jaspal et al.’s (2020) conclusion that, as explained by Brondolo et al. (2009), experiences of discrimination can potentially lead individuals to focus more on similar ethnic communities as a place of belonging. Identity is both personal and social, and the degree to which any particular identity is salient depends on the value the individual places on said identity. The value dimension, as explained by Breakwell (1986), varies by setting. These values shifted for participants based on setting and context and impacted their self-esteem. Therefore, the ways in which social and cultural identities were negotiated and expressed depended on the specific social setting and their particular stage in life. Some mentioned traversing from hiding their cultural identity to later being overtly proud of their cultural heritage in any social setting.

Based on the data, the term “cultural racism” does not fully capture the experiences of participants. In many of their reflections as children, they recalled how they were not discriminated against because of their cultural practices but rather because of their country and region of birth. Shaw-Taylor (2007) argued that many Black immigrants attempt to separate themselves from domestic African Americans in an effort to avoid discrimination, and this was partially true for participants in this study. Many wanted this separation before they were aware of the complexities of racism, how embedded it was in the fabric of U.S. laws and social structures, and how avoiding systemic oppression is almost impossible. Previous messaging and bullying were the primary motivating factors. The Western media has a long history of demonizing multigenerational African Americans, which in turn leads to fear-mongering, causing other ethnic groups to want to separate themselves from African Americans. This is especially true for Black immigrants because, based on skin color alone, they are not distinguishable from African Americans, which means they could be subject to unwarranted stereotypes just like African Americans. When participants were most vulnerable and seeking friends, they found it difficult to make friends of all ethnicities. Therefore, it is not surprising they would want to distinguish themselves from a group they were not embraced by. They learned about race and racism from media sources, personal experiences, and some formal/semi-formal education. It was, unfortunately, experiences with racism that proved to be lifelong lessons for some. Further, these personal experiences also taught individuals the complexities of inter and intra-group dynamics and cultural differences.

Participants were more likely to find the most appreciation for their cultural heritage at an older age. This could be attributed to two factors: personal growth and social influence. Changes in ideologies and perceptions are a part of human growth and development (Young 2018); therefore, it is reasonable to see the newfound sense of enthusiasm and pride for their cultural heritage and identity grow through the years. Cultural influences in the U.S. have also shifted. As Ama explained, she was bullied in school because she was African-born, yet in 2019, she noticed a shift in how people thought about Africa, especially African Americans. She attributes part of the positive trend to the popularity of the 2018 film Black Panther. Ancestry DNA testing, social media, and a rise in African popular music are other factors to consider.

Accommodation/assimilation and evaluation are the universal processes within ITP. Those of the 1.5-generation often disclosed adjusting their daily behaviors in different public and private spaces. The three identity principles that drive the accommodation/assimilation and evaluation processes are continuity, distinctiveness, and self-esteem. Participants maintained their cultural identities across time, but the prominence of said identities shifted based on social setting, which is related to self-esteem. As many participants discussed experiences of bullying and/or discrimination that led them to negotiate their expression of cultural heritage, they also negotiated ways in which to build their self-esteem and confidence. For some, this meant periods of reclusion, and for others, changing their accents as a defensive mechanism. Their self-esteem was a principle that led them to evaluate their place in public social settings and even caused some to want to assimilate into U.S. mainstream culture as much as possible while also presenting as “more Ghanaian” in other settings. Assimilation is subjective, but many expressed feeling a sense of accomplishment in terms of assimilation because of their ability to code-switch.

Many, since becoming more aware of racism and systems of oppression in the U.S., have seen themselves as part of the larger struggle against inequality and joined more in solidarity with American-born African Americans. Some participants are even members of historically Black sororities and fraternities. As revealed by this study, 1.5-generation Ghanaian American millennials found that their lived experiences impacted the salience of many identities. Those with more positive experiences with Black Americans held higher Black racial identity. Those who found themselves in spaces that affirmed their ethnicity also had an easier time transitioning to the U.S.

9. Conclusions

This study highlights the complexities of identity development among 1.5-generation Ghanaian American millennials in the United States. Cultural identity development, negotiation, adaptability, and expression were the primary focus of this study. While each participant had a different experience, there were many similarities that thread their narratives together. Based on the data presented, I offer suggestions for practice and future research.

First, many of the participants discussed a difficult time integrating into their school as they had experiences with discrimination and bullying. School administrators should undergo diversity training that goes beyond racial binaries and includes cultural diversity and immigration. Further, schools should house trained social workers with experience working with immigrants and refugees to assist them in their transition, as children spend a significant amount of time in school during the week. To be an immigrant in a country with drastically different cultural norms is a difficult transition, and encountering isolation and loneliness with peers exacerbates the mental and emotional tax on anyone, especially adolescents. Dedicated support could assist children in their transition.

Further, faculty and staff at K–12 schools should be required to attend ongoing cultural competency trainings to support ethnically diverse student populations. The experiences of many of the participants were a combination of racism and xenophobia explicitly targeting the African continent. Cultural competency training should explore how curriculum may reinforce behaviors and ideologies in the classroom and local community.

Second, researchers should consider conducting a longitudinal study on Ghanaian immigrant populations in the U.S. and beyond, as such a study may unveil a more dynamic understanding of identity development and factors that influence identity negotiation. As this study was limited in scope based on time and location, a longitude study would add more depth and breadth to the lived experiences of Ghanaian immigrants.

In closing, Ghanaian American millennials have unique, complex experiences in the U.S. that cannot be summed into a broad “African” category. An immigrant population from a country that has been considered the “Gateway to Africa” and a generation that has endured many “unprecedented” events before age 40, this demographic deserves specific attention and celebration. Their ability to adjust, be agile, and succeed despite the many challenges they faced shows the spirit of Dɛnkyɛm and the power of perseverance.