Vulnerated Urban Areas under Regeneration: Strategies to Prevent Neighborhood Expulsion in Barcelona or How to Improve without Expelling?
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. Theoretical and Analytical Framework
3. Materials and Methods
4. Results
4.1. Gentrification: Part of the Problem of Expulsion in Barcelona?
- Resident’s profile change
“Urbanism investment, in the end, is gentrifier itself. […] The administration is one of the main gentrifying agents” (Barcelona technician).
“Many very engaged female neighbors have encountered expulsion themselves at first hand, which made civic engagement strength to fade away” (Barceloneta entity).
- Commercial profile change
“The minute people with middle or high incomes arrive, this entails a whole new different type of economy takes place” (Besòs-Maresme entity).
4.1.1. “Visible” or Direct Displacement: Evictions
“An old lady living in a bank-owned apartment: in these cases, even politicians come help us stop the evictions” (Trinitat Vella entity).
“The existing support networks see themselves deteriorated because people are expelled, which complicates even more the associational life” (Barceloneta entity).
4.1.2. “Invisible” or Indirect Forms of Displacement
- Rise in rent prices
“The administration goes at a 10 km/h speed and the reality goes at 120 km/h, which is why we are always late” (technician, Barcelona).
“Against the idea that the neighborhood is conflictive because of its interculturality… the actual problem is with tourists and the competition for apartments, public space, consumption of goods and services” (Raval entity).
“The pressure of tourism, everywhere but especially here, has had a direct impact on rent prices” (Barceloneta entity).
“Sub-letting rooms with no contracts has become a common thing” (technician, Barcelona).
- Overall increase in prices
“Recent changes in the neighborhood surrounding are attracting more fashionable and modern establishments” (Besòs-Maresme entity).
“Many shops are aged; they close and these spaces are being exploited especially by newcomer immigrant population” (Trinitat Vella entity).
- Residential mobbing
“People suffer pressure and harassment so they leave, with completely abandoned dwellings because the landlords do not fix or maintain them, with no elevators and deteriorated stairs” (Barceloneta entities).
“Landlords as owners are obliged to maintain their property. Not doing so, passive mobbing, is a crime and can affect tenants even more than a more direct eviction” (Raval entity).
4.2. Local Strategies Addressing the Negative Effects of Gentrification
- Public housing: having a big public residential stock would entail that the administration becomes a player that can compete with the private sector. However, the Spanish case is very different from other (especially Northern) European countries on this subject. Apart from being only 1.5%, “Official Protected Housing” (VPO in Spanish) has been predominantly developed for sale and not for rent and most of these dwellings will lose their protection status within the next 30 years. In spite of recent efforts from the municipal administration, the public building stock is definitely an unresolved matter [70] both in Spain and at the municipal level (taking into account the limited resources of the local administration and the fact that the housing law is a national one).
- Rehabilitation funds: the combination of old building stock, sometimes with patrimonial value, within a city with high levels of segregation—without mentioning the bureaucratic issues that public help entail and that is one of the main reasons for not reaching vulnerated areas—result in a very problematic situation in which a great deal of community organization is needed in order to go through any renovation. The result is that most granted subsidies end up in middle- or high-income neighborhoods [71] (when they are indeed put forward).
- The Neighborhood Plan: this very progressive and comprehensive policy is focused on the more vulnerated areas of the city and intervenes in multiple dimensions, including the urban and physical one. The work gained throughout some of its interventions has given place to the “High Complexity Dwellings” subsidies, which focuses on the recognition of social differences in the city and thus concentrates on buildings where ordinary economic help is not reaching.
- Some other specific policies such as the Dintres Plan (whose goal is to combat landlord harassment by imposing fines to prevent mobbing situations); the Preferential and Withdrawal Right (which establishes an obligation to inform the public administration before any property sale, allowing the municipality to buy before any other private actor); the compulsory 30% of social housing in all new buildings and/or big rehabilitations; the recent stimulus given to housing cooperatives; etc. All these do not seem to tackle the problem fully, as the housing crisis is bigger than ever. There is thus a need to further investigate the impact of these measures and at the same time come up with new valuation tools, indices or reference prices before and after any urban intervention in order to identify and capture any surplus values that could result from public investment [72].
5. Incorporating the Dimensions of Social Capital and Social Infrastructure Into the Analysis
5.1. Social Capital
5.1.1. Social Capital as a Starting Point for Urban Renewal
“The isolation due to highways favored proximity relations which makes this the most organized neighborhood, in terms of associations” (Trinitat Vella entity).
“The few elder neighbors that still remain today have a sense of belonging that is very strong. The problem is they are less by the minute” (Barceloneta entity).
“The different situations and places for informal relation between neighbors are the ones that are absolutely vital, functional and can generate stronger solidarities” (Barceloneta entities).
“Self-management, which used to be the common thing, has been degrading and falling on less and less people, that are at the same time ageing. It is prone to disappear” (Besòs-Maresme entity).
5.1.2. Social Capital as Reception Strategies
“We need to make newcomers get involved more in neighborhood related issues and implicate in its entities, which will at the same time make them feel it, live it and want to improve it” (Trinitat Vella entitiy).
5.1.3. Social Capital as Retention Strategies
“A hypothesis to be confirmed is whether strong proximity relations favor a sense of belonging, making even young people want to stay [in the neighborhood]” (Trinitat Vella entitiy).
“There are networks of mutual support, related to the cultural element of the neighborhoods, that are informal yet entirely strong” (Raval entity).
“At some level, you could think of the associational tissue as an element of attraction” (Trinitat Vella entity).
5.1.4. Crisis as an Opportunity for Rapid Social Capital Generation
“This situation [COVID-19] has been a way for young people with a certain social consciousness, to quickly get involved for the first time because of their ‘availability” (Barceloneta entity).
“The pandemics has shown how very quickly people organize towards common goals” (Ciutat Meridiana entity).
5.1.5. The Role of Virtuality in Social Capital Making
“Social networks, internet, are ways to mobilize an entire neighborhood” (Barceloneta entity).
5.2. Social Infrastructure
5.2.1. Social Infrastructure as an Enhancer of Social Interaction or Segregator
“At an urbanistic level, some things have had a positive effect on the neighborhood because these make you want to be outside, wander and stay in the street” (Barceloneta entity).
“All public space interventions will, in the end, have positive effects in neighbor quality of life” (Trinitat Vella entity).
“The lack of spaces for interaction—other than the streets—do not stimulate the creation of a strong associational movement. There is no formal physical point of reference that can keep and stabilize ties” (Barceloneta entity).
“Some public spaces should not be thought as a beautiful Barcelona catalogue model, but towards the concretion of very specific resident’s needs and demands” (Barcelona technician).
“Some areas […] can turn into “no-land” areas” (Barcelona technician).
5.2.2. SI and the Question of Scales
“Rehabilitation policies, when their true goal is to recuperate a certain degraded area, are accompanied by the improvement of not only the building, but also of the street. It makes more sense to intervene by whole areas, not unconnected pins” (Besòs-Maresme entity).
5.2.3. Is SI a Gentrifying Agent?
“Urbanism related investment is the greatest gentrifier and this is our biggest threat [especially when combined with] degradation” (Besòs-Maresme entity).
“What is common? In vertical property, who’s responsible for what happens between my door and the street door?” (Trinitat Vella entity).
“This neighborhood is somehow like a town, in the sense that people are from here feel like they belong” (Trinitat Vella entity).
“We feel we are a separated part from the rest of the city” (Ciutat Meridiana entity).
6. Conclusions
Author Contributions
Funding
Data Availability Statement
Conflicts of Interest
Appendix A
- Characteristics of the population
- Characteristics of the buildings
- Urban regeneration and public spaces
- Neighborhood and Associationism
- Vision about the future
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Neighborhood * | Neighbor Association | Housing Related Entity |
---|---|---|
La Barceloneta | 2 | 1 |
El Raval | 2 | 2 |
Trinitat Vella | 1 | 1 |
Ciutat Meridiana | 1 | 1 |
Besòs i Maresme | 1 | 1 |
Case Study | 2016 | 2019 | Change |
---|---|---|---|
Barcelona | 60.265 | 80.553 | 134% |
Raval | 2.355 | 2.967 | 126% |
Barceloneta | 545 | 746 | 137% |
Ciutat Meridiana | 146 | 203 | 139% |
Trinitat Vella | 166 | 388 | 234% |
Besòs-Maresme | 462 | 609 | 132% |
Neighborhood | 2015 | 2016 | 2017 | 2018 | 2019 | 2020 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Barcelona | 44.0% | 46.1% | 50.2% | 52.4% | 52.8% | 56.0% |
Raval | 65.8% | 69.2% | 73.9% | 80.0% | 80.2% | 89.5% |
Barceloneta | 48.7% | 53.0% | 58.0% | 68.6% | 62.7% | 69.7% |
Ciutat Meridiana | 46.0% | 48.0% | 51.2% | 57.8% | 63.3% | 65.9% |
Trinitat Vella | 46.5% | 49.8% | 51.0% | 59.5% | 60.0% | 68.6% |
Besòs i Maresme | 48.6% | 51.6% | 58.1% | 64.2% | 67.3% | 73.7% |
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Piasek, G.; Garcia-Almirall, P. Vulnerated Urban Areas under Regeneration: Strategies to Prevent Neighborhood Expulsion in Barcelona or How to Improve without Expelling? Urban Sci. 2024, 8, 118. https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci8030118
Piasek G, Garcia-Almirall P. Vulnerated Urban Areas under Regeneration: Strategies to Prevent Neighborhood Expulsion in Barcelona or How to Improve without Expelling? Urban Science. 2024; 8(3):118. https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci8030118
Chicago/Turabian StylePiasek, Gonzalo, and Pilar Garcia-Almirall. 2024. "Vulnerated Urban Areas under Regeneration: Strategies to Prevent Neighborhood Expulsion in Barcelona or How to Improve without Expelling?" Urban Science 8, no. 3: 118. https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci8030118