Examining Spanish-Language Pro-Non-Suicidal Self-Injury (Pro-NSSI) Posts on Tumblr: A Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count Analysis

Abstract

This study employed Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC-22) software, a language analysis tool, to examine Spanish-language pro-NSSI Tumblr posts. Pro-NSSI, or “pro non suicidal self-injury”, refers to online content that normalizes or supports self-harming behaviors. Given the strong associations between NSSI and conditions such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, and depression, understanding how these behaviors are discussed online can help improve interventions. A year’s worth of public posts were collected, focusing on captions and hashtags that included NSSI-related terms. Using Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) software, we analyzed linguistic and psychological markers. Log-likelihood ratio tests revealed significantly higher frequencies of words related to negative emotions, sadness, health, and death compared to standard blog norms. Mixed-language posts showed notable code-switching, suggesting a possible emotional distancing mechanism when discussing self-harm. The findings indicate that Spanish-speaking adolescents engaging in pro-NSSI communities exhibit unique linguistic and psychological characteristics, with important implications for clinical assessment and intervention. Mental health counselors and educators can use these insights to develop culturally and linguistically responsive strategies for prevention and support.

1. Introduction

Online communities utilize distinctive linguistic practices to define membership terms, foster solidarity among members, share practices internally, and differentiate themselves from outsiders [1,2]. Language is critical in signaling shared identity and is subject to continual adaptation [3]. Linguistic patterns reflect the practices that are specific to virtual communities and the communication codes within groups [4]. In online communities in which membership is discouraged through content-banning or blocking, linguistic variations of hashtags grow more popular, complex, and detached from their original spellings, usage, and context [5,6]. This complexity can confuse parents, teachers, and clinicians, thus hindering their ability to provide appropriate care and support.

The research into social media and pro-non-suicidal self-injury (pro-NSSI) focusses on five interconnected themes: (a) the prevalence of NSSI; (b) the prevalence of NSSI in Spanish-speaking communities; (c) the widespread use of social media; (d) the presence of pro-NSSI communities on social media platforms; and (e) the lack of education for parents, teachers, and clinicians regarding pro-NSSI terminology in Spanish [2,7,8,9,10]. These themes set the stage for the research questions (RQs) that drive this study, which will be examined in greater detail following a comprehensive review of each theme.

Favazza described NSSI as the “deliberate destruction of one’s own body tissue in the absence of conscious suicidal intent” [7] (p. 260), and this phenomenon has been recognized for centuries. NSSI behaviors include cutting, burning, picking, scratching, interfering with wound healing, and hitting an object until injury occurs; they may also encompass more dangerous acts such as bone-breaking or self-poisoning [8]. The prevalence of NSSI continues to rise globally, with studies indicating that 16–22% of adolescents engage in such behaviors and that females are more likely to engage in the behaviors [9]. The prevalence of NSSI behaviors peaks at ages 14–15 [10] and is significantly associated with comorbid disorders such as depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and generalized anxiety disorder, justifying its classification as a transdiagnostic issue within the diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders [11].

Spanish is spoken by approximately 559 million people worldwide, with 460 million being native speakers. This positions Spanish as the language with the second-largest population of native speakers globally, following Mandarin [12]. In the United States (U.S.), 13 percent of the population speaks Spanish at home, making it the country’s most widely spoken non-English language. The U.S. has the second-largest population of Spanish speakers, following Mexico. Furthermore, current trends indicate that, by 2050, one in three people in the U.S. will speak Spanish, including both monolingual and bilingual individuals [12,13].

Spanish-speaking adolescents and young adults in the U.S. face unique challenges due to acculturation stress and linguistic barriers, which significantly impact their mental health and increase the risk of engaging in behaviors like NSSI [14]. The pressure to assimilate into mainstream Western culture while maintaining their own cultural heritage can contribute to emotional distress that leads to NSSI [15]. NSSI among Spanish-speaking adults has been shown to be moderated by ethnic identity, indicating the importance of cultural context in these behaviors [16]. Additionally, a comprehensive review of NSSI among African American and Hispanic adolescents reveals significantly high prevalence rates and unique risk factors within these populations, highlighting the necessity for culturally tailored prevention and intervention strategies that specifically address improving family relationships, addressing acculturation stress, and providing coping skills for discrimination and socioeconomic challenges [14].

The landscape of NSSI research has shifted with the proliferation of social media, which has fundamentally altered how individuals seek support and interact with others [17]. Online support groups can provide guidance and a sense of community for both positive and negative behaviors. Some groups promote self-harm as a lifestyle, encouraging members to maintain harmful behaviors at a significant personal cost [18]. The extensive use of social media, with adolescents and young adults spending approximately five hours daily on social media, exacerbates these issues [19]. On these platforms, peer and media influences can perpetuate and normalize NSSI behaviors [20].

The COVID-19 pandemic has increased social media usage, which has been associated with worsening mental health outcomes, including heightened anxiety and depression. This connection is particularly evident among adolescents and young adults who frequently use social networking sites [21]. The rise in social media use during the pandemic has also been linked to increased NSSI behaviors. Social media platforms often provide a space in which individuals may share and view self-harm content, which can influence and propagate such behaviors [20]. Some individuals with prior mental health difficulties, including those engaging in NSSI, reported an increase in self-injurious urges and behaviors since the onset of COVID-19, exacerbated by social media exposure [21].

Recent research has demonstrated that social media platforms like Instagram can be critical in predicting acute mental health crises, including suicidality and NSSI behaviors [22]. Popular social media platforms among teens and young adults include YouTube and Meta’s sites, with other platforms holding smaller shares of the global audience [23]. Despite efforts by these sites to block harmful content, pro-NSSI communities continue to thrive, finding ways to circumvent content bans through the creative use of language and hashtags. The secretive and isolating nature of NSSI makes these online communities both a potential lifeline and a source of reinforcement for harmful behaviors [5,6].

The existing literature that analyzes linguistic patterns has predominantly focused on English-language social media and general populations, leaving a gap in understanding the specific linguistic and psychological characteristics of NSSI among adolescents using the Spanish language on social media platforms. The linguistic analysis of online pro-NSSI communities can provide invaluable insights. The Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) software is particularly suited for this task, analyzing language specific to these communities to better understand how they evolve and communicate [18,24]. Previous studies have utilized LIWC to examine public blog posts on platforms like Tumblr and Instagram, providing a foundation for understanding the linguistic markers and psychological processes associated with NSSI [24,25].

To address these gaps, this study examines linguistic patterns in Spanish-language pro-NSSI Tumblr posts within five interconnected themes: (a) the prevalence of NSSI; (b) the prevalence of NSSI in Spanish-speaking communities; (c) the widespread use of social media; (d) the presence of pro-NSSI communities on social media platforms; and (e) the lack of education for parents, teachers, and clinicians regarding pro-NSSI terminology in Spanish. This study utilizes LIWC software to analyze pro-NSSI content on Tumblr, focusing on public social media posts written by Spanish-speaking users in North, Central, and South America.

To ensure alignment with the themes present in the literature, four research questions were developed that examine linguistic patterns in pro-NSSI posts.

RQ1: 

What is the frequency of pro-NSSI-related word categories in public pro-NSSI Tumblr posts written in Spanish? RQ1 examines the frequency of pro-NSSI-related words, contributing to the theme of NSSI prevalence in Spanish-speaking communities.

RQ2: 

What is the use rate of personal pronoun categories in public pro-NSSI Tumblr posts written in English? RQ2 investigates personal pronoun usage in English posts, informing our understanding of how bilingualism may affect self-expression in these communities.

RQ3: 

Does the use rate of personal pronoun categories differ from norms for such posts in public pro-NSSI Tumblr posts written in English? RQ3 compares pronoun use against norms, highlighting linguistic markers related to mental health and emotional expression.

RQ4: 

Does the use rate of specific linguistic and psychological process categories differ from norms for such posts in public pro-NSSI Tumblr posts written in English, Spanish, or mixed language? RQ4 examines categories of psychological processes, further linking linguistic trends to mental health indicators and the educational needs of professionals working with these populations.

This research can inform culturally sensitive interventions and support strategies by identifying linguistic markers and psychological processes specific to Spanish-speaking adolescents’ communication about NSSI. These findings are particularly beneficial for clinical mental health counselors working with Spanish-speaking clients, as they highlight potential linguistic and psychological differences in how adolescents engage with NSSI discourse compared with their English-speaking peers or non-NSSI-affected youth.

The following sections will further elaborate on our methodology, including data collection and analysis techniques. The results will present key linguistic and psychological markers identified in the pro-NSSI posts. We will then discuss the implications of these findings for clinical and research applications, concluding with suggestions for future studies. To guide the reader, abbreviations and definitions have been provided in

Table 1. Common abbreviations and definitions.

Abbreviation	Definition
NSSI	Non-Suicidal Self Injury
PTSD	Post-traumatic Stress Disorder
LIWC	Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count
BIC	Bayesian Information Criterion
LL	Log-Likelihood

.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Design

Our methodology utilized a quantitative computer-assisted text analysis (CATA) approach, which was chosen to capture the linguistic patterns present in a specific time frame, allowing for a detailed analysis of NSSI-related language as it appeared in social media [26]. Specifically, we used a log-likelihood (LL) ratio, which is considered a quantitative linguistic analysis as it uses statistical probability calculations to compare the frequency of a word or phrase between two different corpora, thereby allowing researchers to identify words that are significantly more prevalent in one corpus than in another and providing a numerical measure of how key a word is to a specific context or topic. By comparing our corpora to the typical social media blog post corpora, we could identify differences in language use.

The unit of analysis was single words [27]. The variables for the RQ1 included the following word lexicon categories: (a) methods of NSSI, (b) cutting-specific terms, (c) NSSI terms, (d) instruments used, (e) reasons for NSSI, and (f) hidden-hashtag terms. The translation of these published lexicons from English to Spanish for the present study was carried out by the first author and reviewed for accuracy by a professional translation service. The 15 variables for RQs 2–4 were selected from the 90+ variables available via the LIWC measure. These 15 variables were selected based upon support for these variables’ relationship with NSSI found in the research literature. These 15 variables will be detailed in the Measures Section.

There were three sub-corpuses in this study: (a) Spanish only, (b) English only, and (c) mixed language. Regarding RQs 3–4, the comparison norm for all the corpora was Twitter’s set of blog norms in English. No blog norms for Spanish or mixed-language writing might serve as respective baselines for the Spanish-only and mixed-language sub-corpuses. The inferential analysis used in this study was a LL ratio test; a test that evaluates the goodness of fit to a hypothesized distribution. Since Pearson’s χ² can approximate the LL ratio, an a priori power analysis for a χ² test was employed using G*Power 3.1 [25]. The proper effect size was Cohen’s w [26]. Given the number of comparisons planned, the α level was set at 0.0033. The specific input parameters were as follows: (a) test family = χ² tests; (b) statistical test = goodness-of-fit tests: contingency tables; (c) type of analysis = a priori: compute required sample size given α, power, and effect size; (d) w = 0.52; (e) power (1 − β error probability) = 0.9; (f) α = 0.0033; and (g) degrees of freedom = 1. The G*Power 3.1 output included a sample size of 78 and an actual power of 0.90.

2.2. Ethics

This study was reviewed by the Institutional Review Board of Oregon State University (study 8721 on 13 July 2018), and it was determined that this research did not involve human subjects and thus required no further review.

2.3. Corpus

2.3.1. Data Collection

Tumblr’s Application Programming Interface (API) [28] collected public posts between 23 October 2017 and 23 October 2018. The time frame of 23 October 2017 to 23 October 2018 was selected to capture a full year of posts, ensuring a comprehensive dataset. We configured the API to collect posts containing Spanish language in either the captions or the hashtags, using hashtags identifying the post as pro-NSSI (e.g., #autolesiones signified self-harm) [6,18], and originating in a North, Central, or South American country. The geographical focus on North, Central, and South America was chosen due to the significant Spanish-speaking populations in these regions, as well as the accessibility of free and public data from user accounts located in these regions [28]. The API was instructed to eliminate the following while collecting text: usernames, URLs, location, names, photographs, comments left by other users, and direct quotes. Between 23 October 2017 and 23 October 2018, 1868 posts and associated hashtags were collected (https://www.tumblr.com/docs/en/api/v2, accessed on 24 October 2018).

Tumblr was chosen as the social media platform as this site is used by individuals in the most likely age range for the onset of NSSI, i.e., adolescents, and it allows users to easily gather public data. In addition, Tumblr is a blogging and social media tool that enables users to publish a “tumblelog” or short blog posts. Tumblr’s major differences from other social media sites are its free-form nature and the users’ ability to customize their pages heavily. This allows for more open expressions of thoughts and feelings in the posts and networks users create, which is necessary for accessing writing about NSSI.

2.3.2. Construction

Captions and hashtags associated with the posts were collected, and the posts were entered into an Excel document. Captions and hashtags were considered two separate parts of the post. For inclusion and exclusion of articles, the following criteria were defined.

Inclusion: Posts containing Spanish language anywhere in the post, either caption or hashtag, were included.

Exclusion: First, posts written in languages other than English or Spanish were excluded. Second, posts in which both the caption and hashtag were written entirely in English were excluded. Posts entirely in English, in which both the hashtag and captions were in English, were excluded to maintain a focus on bilingual and Spanish-language content, which is underrepresented in the existing literature. Excluding other languages ensured the analysis remained relevant to the target demographic. Sections that had Spanish language mixed with a language other than English were eliminated.

The corpus contained captions and hashtags for posts in which Spanish was used in either the caption or hashtag or both. Corpus construction continued as follows. If the whole section was in English, it went into an English file. If the whole section was in Spanish, it went into the Spanish file. If the section contained a mix of English and Spanish, it went into the mixed file.

The corpus was separated into three sub-corpuses for analysis at the section level. These sub-corpuses were as follows: (a) English only, including sections of the post, either its caption or hashtags, which were entirely in English, while the rest of the post had Spanish language; (b) Spanish only, including sections of the post, either the caption or hashtags, entirely in Spanish, and (c) mixed language, including sections of the post in which code-switching occurred in the caption or hashtag.

To illustrate the linguistic context, here are some examples of the corpus in Spanish, English, and mixed languages:

Spanish example: “Siento que no tengo escapatoria. #autolesión #dolor”. Translation: “I feel like I have no escape. #selfharm #pain”.

English example: “I can’t handle this anymore. #nopuedomas”.

Translation: “I can’t handle this anymore. #Icanttakeitanymore”.

Mixed-language example: “Me siento tan sola. I don’t know what to do. #autolesión #lost”.

Translation: “I feel so alone. I don’t know what to do. #selfharm #lost”.

These examples highlight the linguistic variations used by individuals in pro-NSSI posts.

2.3.3. Preprocessing

Posts in all the sub-corpuses were preprocessed using procedures outlined in the LIWC operator’s manual and a supplement to this manual [29,30]. This cleaning involved the following processes: (a) all abbreviations were spelled out (e.g., “max” became maximum), (b) NSSI slang (words used to hide NSSI-related Instagram posts) was not normalized [20], and (c) textese was translated into standard spelling. Once the text was ready for analysis, the file was processed by LIWC software.

2.3.4. Size

The size of the Spanish-only sub-corpus was 42,661 units at word level. The English-only sub-corpus contained 9814 units, and the mixed-language sub-corpus included 4299 units.

2.4. Measures

2.4.1. Overview

The measures used were selected scales from the LIWC and the Spanish adaptation of the Greaves NSSI Linguistic Scales [31]. The scores for all the variables represented a percentage of all the words used. The LIWC scales were pre-set scales contained in the LIWC software. Pennebaker [29] reported adequate reliability and validity for these scales. The reference norms used for comparison to the present results were Twitter norms contained in the LIWC psychometric manual [29]. The internal reliability and external validity of LIWC software are well documented [29].

2.4.2. LIWC Measures

The LICW linguistic measures employed were first-person singular, third-person singular, first-person plural, and third-person plural pronouns. The psychological processes categories used included negative emotion (nasty), anxiety (worried), anger (hate), sadness (crying), cognitive processes (know), insight (consider), body (hands), health (flu), ingestion (dish), and death (coffin).

2.4.3. NSSI-Specific Measures

Six specific measures for NSSI were utilized [31]. The first, GNLS_S-Methods of NSSI, evaluates various self-harming behaviors, including biting, burning, erasing, hitting, and picking. The second, GNLS_S-Cutting-Specific Terms, focuses on cutting methods, such as cut and cutting. The third, GNLS_S-NSSI Terms, tracks the usage of terms like non-suicidal, NSSI, suicide, and self-mutil*. The fourth, GNLS_S-Instruments Used, identifies tools used in NSSI, such as blades, bleach, erasers, and fingernails. The fifth, GNLS_S-Reasons for NSSI, examines the motives behind NSSI, including feelings of anger or anxiety and desires for attention or control. The sixth, GNLS_S-Hidden Hashtag Terms, uncovers covert hashtags used by those engaging in NSSI on social media, such as #mifamiliasecreta and #munecas.

2.4.4. Comparison Norms

English Twitter norms contained in the LIWC psychometric manual were used to evaluate the three sample corpora [29]. There are currently no Spanish or mixed-language blog norms available for comparison. While English and Spanish are syntactically dissimilar languages, it is reasonable to assume a roughly one-to-one correspondence between English nouns and Spanish nouns in terms of words [32]. Thus, comparable psychological process categories (nouns) in the second sub-corpus (Spanish only) were compared with English Twitter norms for psychological process categories (nouns). Similarly, the third sub-corpus (mixed language) was evaluated using the English Twitter norms for psychological process categories [29].

2.5. Apparatus

The LIWC software has been updated several times, but this study relied on the 2015 English and 2007 Spanish versions. LIWC2015 offered new dictionaries, including more social words and cognitive-process words [29]. The LIWC program can be used to review and analyze many kinds of written text in many languages, including English and Spanish. For the English sub-corpus, the English LIWC2015 dictionary was used; the Spanish LIWC2007 dictionary was used for the Spanish sub-corpus; and, finally, the mixed-language sub-corpus was analyzed using both the English LIWC2015 and Spanish LIWC2007 dictionaries, as recommended by Pennebaker (personal communication, 30 October 2018). The LIWC analysis returned results for 90 output variables (i.e., LIWC categories), and the LIWC category scores represented the percentage of total words used for the sample. Words could belong to more than one category.

2.6. Data Analysis

For RQs 1–2, the raw count and percentage of total words used were reported for each variable. For RQs 3–4, the LL ratio test was used to compare the sub-corpuses to [33]. The Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC) was calculated to assess the strength of support for the alternative hypothesis over the null hypothesis [34]. The BIC strength descriptors were drawn from [35]. Analyses were completed using R, and the alpha level was set at p < 0.05. Given the large number of hypothesis tests conducted, a Bonferroni correction was used to reduce the chance of a Type I error.

3. Results

In terms of RQ1 (NSSI word-usage rates), the most common NSSI-specific category was Reasons for NSSI (n = 2950) followed by NSSI Instruments Used (n = 652), Cutting-Specific Terms (n = 21), and Hidden-Hashtag Terms (n = 0). For RQ2 (LIWC English pronoun rates), the most frequently appearing pronoun was the first-person singular (n = 971), followed by third-person plural (n = 52), third-person singular (n = 49), and first-person plural (n = 25). With regard to RQ3 (English pronoun rates compared to the norm), the results were as follows: (a) first-person singular, G2 = 7.69, p = 0.0055, BIC = −3.13, BIC descriptor “Trivial”; (b) third-person plural, G2 = 11.42, p = 0.00007, BIC = 0.6, BIC descriptor “Trivial”; (c) third-person singular, G2 = 49.13, p = 0.0000, BIC = 38.31, BIC descriptor “Very Strong”; and (d) first-person plural, G2 = 46.27, p = 0.0000, BIC = 35.45, BIC descriptor “Very Strong”.

Concerning RQ4 (non-pronoun rates for all three corpuses compared to the norm), the BIC descriptor of “Very Strong” appeared with four categories across all the three sub-corpuses: death, health, negative emotion, and sadness. The calculated BIC values for these categories were as follows: Death: English = 19.01, Spanish = 116.11, Mixed = 951.70; Health: English = 142.32, Spanish = 142.65, Mixed = 545.44; Negative Emotion: English = 85.82, Spanish = 250.87, Mixed = 1247.46; Sadness: English = 47.27, Spanish = 171.29, Mixed = 1124.24.

The Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC) values in Figure 1 help quantify the strength of evidence supporting differences in linguistic and psychological process categories. BIC descriptors such as “Very Strong” indicate a high level of confidence that a particular linguistic category differs significantly from the reference norms. For example, in the Spanish corpus, “Negative Emotion” (BIC = 250.87, p < 0.001) exhibited a very strong distinction from standard norms, suggesting a heightened emotional intensity in pro-NSSI posts.

Figure 1 presents a comparison of BIC values across the three sub-corpora (English, Spanish, and mixed) for key linguistic and psychological process categories. The results indicate that “Negative Emotion” and “Sadness” had significantly higher BIC values across all the three sub-corpora, with the highest differentiation appearing in the mixed sub-corpus. Notably, “Death” and “Health” also showed strong distinctions, particularly in Spanish and Mixed-language posts. These findings highlight the prominence of emotional distress markers in pro-NSSI posts, reinforcing the need for targeted mental health interventions for Spanish-speaking adolescents engaged in online self-harm communities.

The raw data are available in “Supplementary Materials”, that can be found on this research project’s Open Science Foundation website.

4. Discussion

This study examined the language used in public pro-NSSI blogs using Spanish and posted on Tumblr, focusing specifically on differences in the use of language in Spanish pro-NSSI blogs as compared with blogs overall. The results of the first RQ, which showed that reasons for NSSI were used most across the sub-corpuses, can be explained by two possible explanations. The first is that words in the reasons for NSSI category (e.g., anger, anxiety, and sadness) are more associated with words suggestive of negative emotions. These negative-emotion words, particularly during the recall or recollection of traumatic incidents, arise more often when communicants use their dominant language (i.e., Spanish) [32], which is likely the case during posts about self-injury. The alternative explanation is that engaging in this community is a way to belong and feel understood among peers, facilitating discussions about the impulse to harm oneself. Between these two explanations, the former is the most plausible because past research has demonstrated a relationship between self-injurious behavior and negative-emotion-generating experiences such as bullying [36].

The results from the second and third RQs revealed that pronoun use differed from English Twitter norms most frequently and significantly in first-person singular, followed by third-person plural and first-person plural. Using the first-person singular pronoun could indicate depression and perceived lower social status [37]. Adolescents engaging in NSSI are at a higher risk for developing major depressive disorder and exhibiting suicidal behaviors [38], making this an issue of concern for parents and teachers.

The English sub-corpus included language taken from posts in which Spanish had been used, which assumes users are bilingual and that they switched languages within the post. Based on the author’s experience, it is hypothesized that when bilingual individuals use their non-dominant language to discuss emotional issues, it can be a way for them to create distance from or avoid their emotional experience and associated vulnerability. Self-harm is a way to avoid directly confronting intense emotions, so bilingual individuals who engage in self-harm might code-switch when discussing their experience in order to prevent those same intense emotions.

The results from the fourth RQ revealed the psychological process word-use patterns across all the three pro-NSSI sub-corpuses. The dominant category in the Spanish sub-corpus was “negative emotion”, while in the English sub-corpus, “health” was more prominent. This distinction may be attributed to the tendency for bilingual individuals to express emotions less intensely in their non-dominant language (English), while Spanish, as a romance language, may allow for a more expressive emotional tone [39]. On a psycho-lexical level, which refers to how language reflects and shapes emotional understanding, these language groups are similar in their usage patterns of emotion words, though cultural nuances can affect their connotations and frequency of use [39].

Prior research suggests that people who engage in self-harm are in immense pain and would be expected to use a negative emotional tone to express their sadness. Pennebaker [40] suggested that those who use negative emotional language may not benefit from writing about it and continue to dwell on it. Writing or posting on Tumblr, then, does not help individuals process these emotions; instead, it can contribute to a cycle in which they carry on with the same feelings and behaviors. Excessive Internet use and engagement with pro-NSSI content online can increase the risk of self-harm and suicidal behavior.

While these data are compelling, a few admitted limitations exist in this study. First, words can be polysemous, and words in the LIWC could appear in more than one category, somewhat skewing the data. To control this potential and to avoid confusion, the data were reviewed before being analyzed by the LIWC software. Second, only public Tumblr posts from North, Central, and South American countries were considered in this study due to variations in laws regarding free and public access to data amongst additional potential locations. People who post on Tumblr may be doing so through a private account, but they could also be Spanish speakers who do not happen to reside in countries within North, Central, or South America. This combination of factors could fail to account for the entirety of the population. Third, the meanings of words can vary across languages. This study used a Spanish-language corpus, but it also relied on Spanish, English, and mixed-language sub-corpuses because of the phenomenon of code-switching. Also, there were no Spanish or mixed-language blog norms to use for comparison. As such, while the effect size for this study was large, the inferences drawn from these data should be colored by the above concerns.

This study reveals several implications for practitioners and researchers. First, this research suggests which lines of inquiry about specific NSSI behaviors and online activities should be pursued when discussing online behaviors with adolescents. These could include examples of posts made online, examples of sites clients visit, or discussions of where clients learn about NSSI or who they are talking to about it. Asking clients about NSSI and online behaviors is a necessary skill for clinical mental health counselors because these may not be topics adolescent clients would bring up on their own, and standard assessment questions might not cover these topics. There is a need for a balanced approach that leverages social media’s positive aspects while mitigating its risks.

Additionally, this study points to the need to consider bilingualism with clients with NSSI issues. These clients often feel isolated and might be reaching out to online communities in which they are not shamed and where they might feel more understood. Social media plays a role in both mitigating and exacerbating NSSI risk [41]. The depth of their distress could be seen in their language, in the frequency of their negative emotional tone, or in their sadness. The shortage of bilingual or Spanish-speaking counselors further highlights the urgency of this implication.

A second implication for counselors would involve the Stages of Change (or Transtheoretical) Model [42], specifically allowing practitioners to incorporate better information about linguistic markers in pro-NSSI and recovery-oriented posts. By monitoring clients’ language use to indicate stages of change and target interventions for progression more accurately, counselors can provide tailored and individualized treatment to increase recovery rates and lengths of wellness. Our findings suggest that Spanish-speaking adolescents engaging with pro-NSSI content use language patterns that may reflect both distress and attempts to seek community. These insights can inform culturally and linguistically appropriate interventions for bilingual psychotherapists and school counselors. For example, therapists should consider how code-switching in online self-harm discussions may serve as an emotional distancing mechanism.

Further research must include expanded data collection that includes data from a wider range of social media platforms and at multiple intervals of time. Longitudinal studies might provide insights into how pro-NSSI-related language evolves with cultural and social changes [16]. Further, in-depth linguistic analysis could explore how factors such as age, gender, socioeconomic status, and sexual orientation intersect with language patterns in the pro-NSSI discussions. Discursive practices in virtual communities form an online identity, express emotions and opinions, and establish communication codes within groups. This indicates the need for adolescents to be involved in co-designing interventions that respect adolescents’ preferences and privacy while also addressing NSSI [43].

Additionally, since the data were collected between 2017 and 2018, before the COVID-19 pandemic, the current social media engagement trends may differ significantly. The pandemic increased adolescent reliance on online platforms, potentially intensifying exposure to pro-NSSI communities [44]. Future research should examine post-pandemic linguistic patterns in self-harm discourse to determine shifts in prevalence and expression.

5. Conclusions

With increased time spent on online platforms following COVID-19 and the growing number of Spanish-speaking adolescents globally, practitioners must continue to explore the discursive practices of pro-NSSI communities and must adapt in new ways to responsibly serve these individuals. Software such as LIWC can reveal the psychological processes and patterns of behavior around a variety of mental health issues, and these results can show parents, teachers, and counselors how to intervene, perhaps also shedding insight into the process of recovery. This study suggests that language plays a critical role in expressing NSSI-related emotions and that the interplay of bilingualism introduces complexities that require further investigation. Future studies should explore how bilingual NSSI discourse varies across different emotional contexts and settings.