Search Results (248)

This study assesses the financial soundness of Sudanese commercial banks during escalating civil conflict by integrating Altman’s Z-score models with scenario-based stress testing. Using audited financial data from 2016 to 2022 (pre-war) and projections through to 2028, the analysis evaluates resilience under low- and high-intensity conflict scenarios. Altman’s Model 3 (for non-industrial firms) and Model 4 (for emerging markets) are applied to capture liquidity, retained earnings, profitability, and leverage dynamics. The findings reveal relative stability between 2017–2020 and in 2022, contrasted by significant vulnerability in 2016 and 2021 due to macroeconomic deterioration, sanctions, and political instability. Liquidity emerged as the most critical driver of Z-score performance, followed by earnings retention and profitability, while leverage showed a context-specific positive effect under Sudan’s Islamic finance framework. Stress testing indicates that even under low-intensity conflict, rising liquidity risk, capital erosion, and credit risk threaten sectoral stability by 2025. High-intensity conflict projections suggest systemic collapse by 2028, characterized by unsustainable liquidity depletion, near-zero capital adequacy, and widespread defaults. The results demonstrate a direct relationship between conflict duration and systemic fragility, affirming the predictive value of Altman’s models when combined with stress testing. Policy implications include the urgent need for enhanced risk-based supervision, Basel II/III implementation, crisis reserves, contingency planning, and coordinated regulatory interventions to safeguard the stability of the banking sector in fragile states. Full article

An analysis of Albanian Muslims in Italy provides a compelling case study of communities perceived as marginal. Studies of Muslims in Italy tend to focus on the majority and chronologically older groups within the country’s Islamic landscape, particularly those from Asia and Africa. In addition to providing a better understanding of Islam in Italy, a study of the identity and community-building issues of the Albanian community of origin offers many insights into that community’s complexity. Albanians in Italy have a very specific historical and religious heritage; so, analyzing their roots and community-building processes helps us to better understand the development of Islam on the margins of large national organizations and majority groups. This article presents the results of the first national study of Albanian Muslims in Italy. Online interviews and field observations were conducted in 2024 within the Union of Muslim Albanians in Italy (Unione degli Albanesi Musulmani in Italia—UAMI), using the ethnographic method. The Association has fewer members compared with national level organizations. It was founded in 2009 to address specific issues related to the management of Muslim Albanian religious identity. The Association has sought to address the fragmentation of religion and Albanian nationalism, a consequence of a long period of state atheism, and to counter the literalist and radical tendencies in the interpretation of religion that have emerged in Albania since the collapse of the communist regime. In addition to these challenges, the Association has also tackled issues related to the Islamic religion in its local and global dimensions. The analysis of these challenges and the ways to deal with them offers a new framework in the Italian Islamic panorama, despite its marginality. The results of this research point to the emergence of new forms of rooting and belonging characterized by spirituality over orthopraxis. These forms adopt a religious approach open to diversity and pluralism. Full article

This study examines the complex process of Islam’s localization in Sudan, focusing on how hospitality, Sufi dhikr, and Mawlid celebrations integrate with Islamic practices. Drawing on three years of qualitative fieldwork, it demonstrates how Sudan’s geography, ethnic diversity, and historical heritage enable the blending of core religious principles with local customs. Sufi brotherhoods—particularly Qādiriyya, Tījāniyya, Shādhiliyya, and Khatmiyya—play a pivotal role in local culture by incorporating traditional musical, choreographic, and narrative art forms into their rituals, resulting in highly dynamic worship and social interaction. In Sudan, hospitality emerges as a near-sovereign social norm, reflecting the Islamic ethics of charity and mutual assistance while remaining deeply intertwined with local traditions. Islam’s adaptability toward local customs is further illustrated by the vibrant drumming, chanting, and dancing that enhance large-scale Mawlid al-Nabi celebrations, uniting Muslims under a religious identity that goes beyond dogmatic definitions. Beyond their spiritual meanings, these Sufi practices and networks also serve as tools for social cohesion, often functioning as support systems in regions with minimal state presence. They help prevent disputes and foster unity, demonstrating the positive impact of a flexible Islam—one that draws on both scripture and local traditions—on peacebuilding in Sudan. While highlighting the country’s social realities, this study offers insights into how Islam can function as a transformative force within society. Full article

When designing, implementing and assessing public policies, and, in particular, those affecting the public management of religious diversity, it is increasingly common to include ethnographic approaches from the field of social anthropology and the broader social sciences. Ethnographic practice can provide more representative and accurate perspectives on the actors, settings, and social phenomena subject to regulation. This article presents the findings of an ethnographic study on two minority religious communities, conducted by a team of anthropologists within the framework of a broader research project on religious freedom in Spain, led by jurists. Based on two case studies—the teaching of Evangelical religion in state schools and Islamic burial practices—our study analyses the implications of the varying degrees of public recognition, as well as how this recognition actually manifests in the everyday practice of religious groups within a context of religious diversity. The study also examines the barriers to the full participation of these communities in public institutions and civil society, as well as the discourses, strategies, and practices they develop to overcome these challenges. Full article

This paper investigates religious encounters between Chinese and Senegalese Muslims in the relatively new Chinatown of Dakar. Chinese Muslims from Kaifeng City, Henan Province first arrived in Senegal in the 1990s following the Henan provincial state-owned construction company. They started a wholesale business mainly of clothing and shoes and brought their relatives and family members to Dakar. However, scholars studying the Chinese community in Dakar have largely ignored their Muslim identity and its significance. Moving beyond the conventional focus on tensions between Muslim and Chinese identities in the study of overseas Chinese Muslims, this paper turns to religious encounters in everyday life. Based on field research and interviews both in Dakar and Henan, this paper argues that for these Chinese Muslim businesspersons in Dakar, Islam as a shared religious identity sometimes provides opportunities to connect with their fellow Muslims in a foreign country. However, differences in religious practices can also lead to misconceptions between them and other Senegalese Muslims. This paper thus contributes to Islamic studies and the study of global China, particularly in relation to overseas Chinese Muslims, China–Africa encounters, and global Chinatowns. Full article

This study explores the role of religion as a state-promoted tool for political assimilation in Pakistan’s border provinces of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan. The study is based on five phases of fieldwork (2016–2024) combined with a thematic literature review. The research explores how religious strategies were deployed to forge a unified national identity in these regions. The findings reveal significant disparities in the effectiveness of these strategies. In KP, historical factors, cultural alignment, and geopolitical influences—particularly the Afghan conflict—largely facilitated the integration of Pashtun identity into Pakistan’s broader Islamic-national framework. Tools such as madrassa networks, education reforms, religious slogans, and state-backed Islamist parties effectively promoted religious nationalism. In contrast, religious assimilation efforts in Balochistan largely failed due to entrenched ethnic nationalism, economic exclusion, and political marginalization. Attempts to expand madrassas, delegitimize nationalist leaders as “anti-Islamic,” and support religious movements have been met with resistance, deepening distrust between the Baloch population and the state. The study found that religion alone cannot sustain national cohesion, particularly in regions with longstanding grievances and systemic inequalities. This research emphasizes the limitations of top-down, coercive assimilationist policies and underscores the necessity for more inclusive approaches, such as addressing economic disparities, recognizing regional identities, and promoting political participation as essential components for building a sustainable and unified nation. The study provides critical insights for policymakers, advocating for a shift from religious assimilation to strategies that prioritize justice, equity, and cultural accommodation, particularly in KPK and Balochistan. Full article

For various religious and political reasons, the idea of divine sovereignty (ḥākimiyya) has found support in many Islamic movements and discourses between the 1940s and the 1980s throughout the Muslim world. Nonetheless, in the 1990s, the consolidation of contemporary nation-states, the appeal of liberal democracy, and human rights in the Muslim world, along with the failure of Islamism, paved the way for a turn towards popular sovereignty in Islamic political thought. The emergence of a post-Islamist age in the Arab world and Iran, especially in the aftermath of the Arab Spring (2011), has changed the perspectives of many Islamic intellectuals and jurists, who now place a higher emphasis on popular sovereignty, depoliticizing divine sovereignty. This article offers an intellectual history of the shift from divine to popular sovereignty in modern Islamic political ethics, as well as a discussion of the factors that led to this change. Few critical voices on sovereignty highlight the ethical aspects of sharia’s governance and challenge the popular sovereignty narrative as authoritarian. Full article

Before the Arab Spring erupted at the turn of 2010 and 2011, Islamic fundamentalism had long played a significant role in the political and social landscapes of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Often associated with groups advocating for a return to a strict and literal interpretation of Islamic principles, Islamic fundamentalism manifested in various movements, ideologies and violent insurgencies. These movements aimed to shape governance, challenge existing regimes and resist Western influence. The decades leading up to the Arab Spring saw a rise in both peaceful political Islamist movements and militant groups with more radical objectives. Islamic fundamentalist organisations have played varied and significant roles in the political systems of North African states. From the peaceful reformist agendas of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Ennahda in Tunisia to the radical insurgencies of the LIFG in Libya and the GIA in Algeria, these organisations have shaped political discourse, challenged authoritarian regimes and represented the discontent of marginalised populations. In some cases, such as in Morocco, Islamist groups have found ways to work within the political system, while in others, they have been pushed into violent opposition. The impact of Islamic fundamentalist organisations before and after the Arab Spring reveals their enduring influence on North Africa’s political landscape. Full article

In 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini spearheaded the Islamic Revolution, toppling the secular Shah regime, a move that resonated with millions of people. Fast-forward to 2025, there has been a notable rise in secularism in Iran, even among 1979’s religious clerics. Currently, 73% of Iranians support the idea of separating Islam from the state and advocating for a secular government. As a result, there have been widespread anti-Islamist regime and pro-democratic protests during different periods, such as 2009–2010, 2017–2018, 2019–2020, and 2022–2023. The most recent development in 2024 was the victory of reformist candidate Masoud Pezeshkian in the presidential elections, defeating conservative candidate Saeed Jalili. This study examines the factors driving the rise of secularism, namely globalization, the systemic issues within the Islamic regime, the significant influence of the Iranian diaspora, and the impact of rapid urbanization. Full article

Despite the growing interest among comparative legal scholars in Islamic law, the application of Shia Islamic law remains an overlooked area within the field of comparative law. This article addresses this gap by offering a classification of contemporary national legal systems according to their incorporation of Shia Islamic law. The analysis begins with secular legal systems in countries with significant Shia populations and progresses to those jurisdictions where Shia Islamic law is officially recognised. Through this examination, I define the historical, cultural, and political contexts influencing the application of Shia Islamic law and assess how and to what extent these states implement Shia Islamic rulings, incorporating case studies to illustrate varying degrees of application. Full article

In 2002, the Justice and Development Party came to power in Turkey, while Recep Tayyip Erdoğan became its leader in 2003, and both have remained in power until today. Initially, Erdoğan had a predominantly Islamist discourse, and in that period, Islam became gradually more visible in public space and foreign relations. However, that Islamist discourse later increasingly gave way to realpolitik due to domestic requirements and international economic and political changes. This article deals with this transition from Islamism to civil religion and secularism during Erdoğan’s power and explores its nature and characteristics as well as the impact on politics. I suggest that while still sometimes making use of an Islamist rhetoric, Erdoğan’s focus in recent years has been more on various secular–sacred items of civil religion, like homeland, nation (as a chosen people), national flag, (sacralized) state, and, additionally, national development. I examine the civil religion Erdoğan advocates by analyzing his official and casual speeches, interviews he gave, and some of the slogans he used. I also suggest that Erdoğan’s transition to civil religion also represents a shift to secularism, as modern civil religions undermine and subordinate established religions to a great extent and also create their own secular sacredness. Full article

The objective of this paper is to ascertain the manner in which the Qurʾān teaching activities are conducted in Jaʿfarī communities that are part of the multicultural structure of Türkiye. The methodological approach of this study is a case study design. This study’s sample consists of nine instructors who voluntarily work in Qurʾān teaching centres for Jaʿfarī communities. Criterion sampling and maximum diversity were employed in the selection of the participants. The data were collected using a semi-structured interview form. The collected data were subjected to a descriptive analysis. This study’s findings are as follows: firstly, the importance of early childhood education in the transmission of the Qurʾān among the Jaʿfarīs is evident. Secondly, the basis of this teaching is the Alif-Baa Juz education. Thirdly, mosques, association centres and neighbourhood houses play an important role in this teaching activity. Finally, according to Qurʾān instructors, traditionally the mosques were the primary centres for Qurʾān education; however, this has been lost especially after the pandemic. In addition to having the knowledge and competency of the recitation of the Qurʾān, the instructors who are supposed to work in these places are required to behave in accordance with Islamic morality. Over the recent times, families have started to prioritise their children’s academic success over religious education. Lastly, Jaʿfarīs do not have any safety concerns pertaining to the state while carrying out religious education activities. The findings, in general, reveal that Jaʿfarīs have similarities with the traditional teaching of Qurʾān in terms of method, content, materials and to some extent instructor competence, etc. The results of this paper are significant in terms of providing a concrete indicator of the pluralistic understanding that Türkiye advocates in religious education policies and in understanding the religious education practices of Jaʿfarī communities. Full article

The expansion of empires and colonial rule significantly shaped the movement of religious communities, practices, and institutions across borders. This article examines the intersections of empire, colonialism, and religious mobility with a view to exploring how colonial administrations facilitated, restricted, or co-opted religious movements for governance and control. Religious actors—such as missionaries, clerics, traders, and diasporic communities—played roles in transnational exchanges, carrying faith traditions across imperial networks while simultaneously influencing local spiritual landscapes. The study situates religious mobility within the broader framework of colonial power structures and analyzes how missionary enterprises, religious conversions, and state-sponsored religious policies were used to consolidate imperial control. It also considers how indigenous religious movements navigated, resisted, or transformed under colonial rule. The case studies include Christian missionary networks in British and French colonies, the movement of Islamic scholars across the Ottoman and Mughal empires, and the role of Buddhism in colonial southeast Asia. These examples highlight the role of religion not just as a tool of empire but as a vehicle for indigenous agency, resistance, and syncretic transformation. This article explores the transnational mobility of religious artifacts, sacred texts, and pilgrimage networks, demonstrating how colonial expansion altered religious landscapes beyond political boundaries. The study critically engages with postcolonial perspectives to interrogate how colonial legacies continue to shape contemporary religious diasporas and global faith-based movements. Full article

The spread of Taoism to the Western Regions marked the movement of Central Plains culture to the frontier, demonstrating its influence on local society. During the Han Dynasty, Central Plains culture had reached the Western Regions. With the deification of Laozi and his becoming the founder of Taoism, the story “Laozi converting the barbarians” (Laozi huahu 老子化胡), which claimed that Laozi journeyed to the west and taught the Hu people, provided the impetus for the spread of Taoism to the Western Regions. The Tang imperial family venerated Laozi and regarded Taoism as the state religion. Laozi belief, including the veneration of the man himself, his writings, his stories, and the precepts claimed to be related to him, was also used to assist in the Tang Dynasty’s governance of the Western Regions. Following the Tang Dynasty’s decline, the Central Plains’ influence receded from the Western Regions. However, due to the relaxed religious environment in the Western Regions, Taoism, which was representative of Central Plains culture, still survived there. Moreover, Taoism attempted to incorporate Islam in the Western Regions into its divine system by huahu, which might be related to the early history of exchange between the two religions. Full article

This article traces the strengthening of Muslim movements in Jordan, emphasizing the period that marked the beginning of the regional upheaval (2011). It aims to examine whether and how this strengthening affected religious, national, and political identities. The article examines the interrelationships between the Hashemite regime and the Salafi movements in Jordan during and after the Arab Spring. This examination shows that there was a deterioration, aggravation, and erosion in these relations, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, also an understanding on the part of the regime that despite this the Salafis are interested in taking part in the Jordanian political game. In this discourse between the Salafi movements and the regime, we will also examine whether the movements sought to change the regime’s nature and, thus, the nature of society in Jordan from a Hashemite national identity to a Salafi identity. The article is based on secondary and primary sources that unfold a fascinating picture of dialectics and dialog between the ideological extremes of democracy and Islam. The main findings are that these processes, during and after the Arab Spring, tend to contain religious groups that will also participate in politics, out of recognition of the supremacy of the law of the state, which is not necessarily religious. Full article