1. Introduction
The relationship between governance, natural resources, and economic growth is a relevant topic for MENA countries because many of these countries are rich in natural resources, particularly oil and gas, but they face numerous social, economic, and political challenges, as seen in Sudan, Yemen, Iraq, and Libya. Research has extensively examined the impact of natural resource rents on economic growth and the phenomenon known as the “resource curse”, as highlighted by [
1]. Factors contributing to the resource curse include Dutch disease, pension-seeking behavior, external shocks on natural resource prices, declining institutional quality, and insufficient investment in human capital. Dutch disease, caused by natural resource income and currency appreciation, can harm other sectors. Governments’ inaction during resource booms can hinder economic reforms. Pursuing income in resource-rich countries may lead to corruption and inefficiency. Without effective institutions, economic actors tend to engage in rent-seeking behavior, while politicians are free to pursue self-serving agendas to maintain power, ultimately hindering economic growth [
2]. The volatility of natural resource prices creates uncertainty, affecting factor accumulation. The influence of resource wealth on economic growth is closely tied to institutional development. Weak institutions can result in overexploitation and poor resource allocation, while strong institutions can mitigate these negative effects. Therefore, the presence of abundant resources affects economic growth through various channels, with institutional quality being a critical factor [
3]. Good institutions play a key role in creating markets by safeguarding property rights, ensuring contract integrity, and maintaining law and order. This environment fosters business and private investment. Institutions significantly impact investments in physical and human capital, technology, and industrial production. They are crucial for economic growth and resource distribution.
Research on the “resource curse” phenomenon, based on the work of [
1], investigates the slow economic growth experienced by resource-rich countries. Factors like institutional quality and human capital play a crucial role in determining the impact of resource dependence on economic development. Some studies suggest that countries with strong institutions and human capital can benefit from their resources, while others argue that resource abundance often hinders development in developing nations. Countries like Botswana, Canada, and Norway have effectively managed their resources to achieve sustainable development [
3,
4]. Before the 1980s, natural resources were viewed as advantageous, but their overreliance could weaken institutional capacity and lead to mismanagement. Although resource-rich countries tend to have lower economic growth rates, success stories like Norway demonstrate that natural resources can indeed contribute to development. Good governance is vital to prevent the negative effects of resource abundance and maximize the economic benefits of natural resources [
5].
Studies since the 1980s have highlighted a negative correlation between economic growth and natural resource abundance in developing countries, sparking debates on the resource curse. These studies primarily focus on the slow growth of resource-rich nations while overlooking the impact of governance. Many oil-dependent developing countries exhibit poor governance, which is a key factor in the resource curse. Research emphasizes the importance of institutions in addressing the challenges posed by resource abundance. In his work, [
6] defines the resource curse as the struggle faced by resource-rich countries in achieving economic development comparable to that of less resource-endowed nations. This paradox underscores that natural resource wealth does not automatically translate into sustainable economic growth. Issues such as corruption and weak law enforcement are often associated with the resource curse. Sachs and Warner [
7] suggest that resource-rich countries tend to have underdeveloped manufacturing sectors, hindering overall economic growth due to the influence of resource rent-driven interest rate behavior.
In resource-rich countries, institutional weakness is a concerning reality that contributes to unsustainable growth cycles by leading to the misallocation of revenue toward unproductive activities. This overreliance on natural resource income can negatively influence the country’s institutional framework and hinder economic growth in the long term. Many resource-rich countries have recognized this issue and have implemented significant institutional reforms to address it. Countries like Norway and Botswana have effectively managed their natural resources to achieve high growth rates by investing in productive projects and maintaining transparency in their operations. Lessons from these countries highlight the importance of efficient resource management and institutional reforms for sustainable economic development [
3]. Similarly, [
8] emphasize the importance of effective management of natural resource revenues through good governance and quality institutions, particularly about property rights influenced by historical institutions. Institutional reforms and good governance are crucial for resource-rich countries to achieve sustainable economic growth. However, some oil-producing countries in the MENA region face challenges due to their heavy dependence on oil and gas exports. Countries such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE have effectively implemented diversification strategies, whereas Yemen and Iraq are facing challenges due to political instability and weak institutions. The Saudi government was one of the first in the region to prioritize economic diversification in its development goals, as outlined in the 1970 five-year plan. Despite initial efforts, the government shifted back to relying on oil revenues after oil price crises. However, the shale oil and gas revolution in 2014 prompted a renewed focus on diversification. The country’s tenth development plan in 2015 and the National Transformation Plan: Vision 2030 in 2016 aimed to diversify away from the oil sector. To reduce reliance on oil revenues, the government introduced Value Added Tax (VAT) in 2018 as part of its diversification strategy. The UAE has transformed into the most diversified economy in the region, reducing its reliance on the oil sector for GDP growth and government revenue. Initiatives like Vision 2021 have focused on developing the UAE as a global financial, business, and tourist hub, making it the fastest-growing investment destination in the Middle East. The government has introduced indirect taxes like VAT and excise taxes to generate non-oil revenues [
9].
Falling oil prices, reduced spending, and slow economic growth threaten these countries. If oil prices remain low, they may experience significant losses in oil royalties, leading to reduced budget surpluses or deficits in some cases. Despite the recognition of the need for precautionary measures to manage oil price fluctuations, even countries with substantial reserves could face depletion if prices continue to decline. Weak governance and institutional structures in these countries exacerbate the challenges they face, limiting policymakers’ ability to respond effectively to the crisis [
5,
10,
11].
This study investigates how natural resource rents, governance indicators, and their interactions affect economic growth in 12 oil-producing countries in the MENA region from 2002 to 2021. The countries included in the study are Algeria, Bahrain, Iraq, Iran, Kuwait, Libya, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Sudan, and Yemen. The study aims to address the following questions: (i) What is the influence of natural resource rents on economic growth in the 12 oil-producing countries in the MENA region? (ii) What is the impact of governance indicators on economic growth in the 12 oil-producing countries in the MENA region? (iii) How do interactions between natural resource rents and governance indicators affect economic growth in the 12 oil-producing countries in the MENA region?
By analyzing the relationship between resource revenues and economic growth, particularly in the context of governance quality, we aim to shed light on the role of governance in economic performance. This study is innovative in two ways. Firstly, it considers the entire natural resources sector, not just oil, and incorporates governance indicators. Various panel ARDL models are used to ensure the reliability of the findings. Given the significant reliance on natural resources in MENA countries, further research is needed. Secondly, this analysis seeks to enhance understanding by including governance indicators and their interactions with natural resource rents as explanatory variables for economic growth. This study is the first to consider these interactions in MENA countries. By exploring this relationship, new sub-mechanisms linking governance indicators and economic growth may be revealed. The declining resources and slow economic growth in MENA oil-producing countries highlight the importance of effective strategies for institutional development and economic growth, particularly in the context of ongoing economic diversification efforts in the region. Additionally, incorporating governance indicators into the analysis of the relationship between natural resource rents and economic growth in a resource-rich region like MENA is crucial and can serve as a valuable point of reference. Furthermore, this study has the potential to contribute to the current body of literature.
The importance of studying the relationship between natural resource rents, governance, and economic growth stems from the fact that previous studies have shown contrasting outcomes. Some countries experience positive effects of resource wealth (e.g., [
11,
12,
13,
14]) while others face negative impacts (e.g., [
15,
16,
17]). Therefore, it is crucial to understand the role of governance in moderating these effects.
The article is divided into five sections.
Section 1 introduces the topic,
Section 2 reviews relevant literature,
Section 3 outlines the data and methods used,
Section 4 presents empirical results, and
Section 5 concludes the paper and discusses policy implications.
4. Analysis and Discussion of Research Results
The results of the CSD tests are displayed in
Table 3. They show that we reject the null hypothesis of no cross-section dependence for all variables at a significance level of 1%, except for LGDPC, GE, RL, RQ, GE*LNRR, CC*LNRR, RL*LNRR, PS*LNRR, and RQ*LNRR based on the Pesaran CD test. Overall, the findings of all tests suggest that there is cross-section dependence in the panel, indicating that a shock in one country can affect other countries in the region.
The results of the CSD unit root tests suggest that there is cross-sectional dependence present in each series. As a result, the [
54] CIPS (Z(t-bar)) test for unit roots, which considers cross-sectional dependence, can be used to assess the stationarity of the series. The results of the CIPS test, presented in
Table 4, show that all variables are non-stationary at their levels but become stationary after differencing, except for PS and RQ, which remain non-stationary even after differencing.
Due to their integration orders being greater than 1, variables PS and RQ are not considered in the analysis. The focus is on investigating the cointegration relationship between LGDPC, LNRR, LDI, LFD, FDI, GE, CC, RL, VA, GE*LNRR, CC*LNRR, RL*LNRR, and VA*LNRR. We examine nine versions of the panel ARDL model. The first model (model 1) includes economic indicators (LNRR, LDI, LFD, FDI). In the second model (model 2), we introduce the variable government effectiveness (GE). The third model (model 3) adds the variable control of corruption (CC). The fourth model (model 4) includes the variable rule of law (RL). The fifth model (model 5) incorporates the variable voice and accountability (VA). In the sixth model (model 6), we include the variable GE and its interaction with NRR (GE*LNRR). The seventh model (model 7) introduces the variable CC and its interaction with NRR (CC*LNRR). The eighth model (model 8) includes the variable RL and its interaction with NRR (RL*LNRR). The ninth model (model 9) adds the variable VA and its interaction with NRR (VA*LNRR). We assess the cointegration among the variables using the panel Kao cointegration test for the nine versions of the panel ARDL model. The results of the panel Kao cointegration test for the different models are reported in
Table 5. The different findings show that the null hypothesis of no cointegration is rejected, indicating a cointegration relationship among these variables for all versions of the model. This suggests that the variables are likely to move together in the long term whatever the version of the model considered.
After confirming the cointegration among the various variables in the different models, we proceeded to estimate nine panel ARDL models to examine the impact of natural resource rents on economic growth in both the short and long run. Prior to estimating the models, we conducted the Hausman test to determine the most appropriate estimator among PMG, MG, and DFE. The results of this test are shown in
Table 6. Each model has a preferred estimator that is more reliable than the others. Therefore, we used the appropriate estimator (PMG, MG, or DFE) determined by the Hausman test for each model. The results of the estimation for the first five models (models 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5) are presented in
Table 7, while the results for the last four models (models 6, 7, 8, and 9) are displayed in
Table 8. Based on the findings from model 1 presented in
Table 7, the natural resource rents variable does not exhibit statistical significance in either the long term or short term. This suggests that natural resource rents do not influence economic growth in MENA countries, regardless of the time frame considered, when governance indicators are not included in the model. When incorporating governance indicators (GE, CC, RL, VA) into models 2, 3, 4, and 5, the results show that GE and CC have a positive and significant long-term effect on economic growth, while RL and VA do not show significance. Conversely, in the short term, both GE and CC have a negative and significant impact on economic growth, with RL and VA remaining insignificant. The short-term negative effects of government effectiveness can be attributed to the fact that it takes a considerable amount of time for improvements in the quality of public services, the competence and independence of civil services, and the efficiency of policy development to have a positive impact on economic growth, whereas short-term negative effects of corruption can be attributed to the practice of “greasing the wheels” in the short term in MENA countries. The lack of significance of VA and RL can be attributed to their minimal impact on economic growth due to their low levels. Natural resource rents have a positive and significant impact on long-term economic growth in models 2, 3, and 5, but not in model 4. In the short term, natural resource rents only have a positive and significant effect in model 3. Across all four models (2, 3, 4, and 5), natural resource rents do not exhibit a negative impact on economic growth in either the short or long term. This suggests that the resource curse theory is not supported in the context of the analyzed oil-producing MENA countries.
Our research findings support the conclusions of [
30] regarding the counterbalancing effect of improvements in institutional quality on the oil curse in a sample of MENA countries from 1990 to 2013. Additionally, our results are in line with those of [
35], who found that in countries with weak political institutions, oil dependency may not necessarily lead to enhanced economic growth across 76 countries categorized by income groupings and levels of development from 1980 to 2012. Furthermore, our findings are consistent with [
10], who emphasized the significance of good governance in enabling oil rents to serve as a crucial funding source for diversification in MENA oil-exporting countries, as well as with the research by [
14] demonstrating the positive influence of natural resource abundance and institutional quality on economic growth in a diverse group of 30 countries. Similarly, the study by [
46] highlights the importance of natural resources and governance in infrastructure development and economic growth in the MENA region. However, our results differ from the findings of [
37], who found that natural resource abundance and institutional factors did not significantly impact economic growth in a study of 83 countries with varying levels of development from 1996 to 2010. Additionally, the research by [
11] suggested that the resource-blessing hypothesis is applicable to MENA countries regardless of their democratic status.
In the results of models 6, 7, 8, and 9 presented in
Table 8, it is evident that the interaction between governance indicators (GE, CC, RL, VA) and NRR (GE*LNRR, CC*LNRR, RL*LNRR, VA*LNRR) has a positive and significant impact on long-term economic growth in models 6, 7, and 9. However, this interaction is not significant in the short term across all four models. These results indicate that in the presence of good governance, natural resource rents can contribute to long-term economic growth in the oil-producing MENA countries included in the sample. These results are consistent with previous studies by [
11,
12,
13,
14,
26,
27,
30,
47]. These studies indicate that natural resources can be a boon for economic growth when coupled with strong institutions.
For the control variables, the variable financial development is found to have a positive and significant impact on long-term economic growth in models 2, 5, 6, and 9, with a negative and significant effect only in model 8. However, in the short term, financial development has a negative and statistically significant impact on economic growth in models 2 and 5. This is due to the low competition in financial systems in the MENA region, limited capital account openness, and privatization. The results indicate that financial development may promote economic growth in MENA countries over the long term. The finding for financial development aligns with the results of [
58] and can be attributed to the increased significance of windfall revenues in developing economies abundant in natural resources. The variable domestic investment shows a positive and significant impact on economic growth in three models (2, 5, and 8) out of nine, and a negative and significant impact in two models (6 and 9) in the long run. It also has a positive and significant impact on economic growth in the short run in two models (4 and 5). These results align with economic theory, which suggests that domestic investment can stimulate economic growth. Finally, among the five models (1, 2, 3, 4, and 5), it is observed that the variable FDI has a positive and significant effect on long-term economic growth only in model 5, while it has a negative and significant impact in model 2. Furthermore, FDI is not statistically significant in any of the five models in the short term. These findings suggest that FDI inflows alone may not be adequate to stimulate economic growth in MENA countries. The low levels of foreign direct investment in most MENA countries may be responsible for the negative impact, as research indicates that FDI alone does not lead to immediate economic growth.
In summary, higher natural resource rents contribute to economic growth in the MENA region, while improvements in governance indicators and financial development also play key roles in fostering economic growth. The study’s findings are robust and provide valuable insights for policymakers.
We assess the robustness of various MG, DFE, and PMG estimates in different models using the panel fully modified ordinary least squares (FMOLS) method to estimate long-run coefficients. The results of FMOLS are presented in
Table 9 and
Table 10. The panel FMOLS method provides results consistent with the MG, DFE, and PMG estimators across all models in the study. The study confirms that natural resource rents, financial development, and good governance positively impact economic growth in MENA oil-producing countries. These findings are robust and can be interpreted confidently.
5. Conclusions and Policy Recommendations
The study analyzes the impact of natural resource rents and governance indicators on economic growth in 12 oil-rich MENA countries from 2002 to 2021 by estimating various panel ARDL models using PMG, MG, and DFE estimators. The results indicate that natural resource rents, government effectiveness, and control of corruption positively affect long-term economic growth. The interaction between governance indicators and natural resource rents also has a positive impact on long-term economic growth in three out of four models. However, this interaction is not significant in the short term. Overall, governance combined with natural resource rents can boost long-term economic growth in the studied countries. In the short term, natural resource rents may have a positive or insignificant effect on economic growth. Overall, the study’s findings suggest that the resource curse theory is not applicable to the MENA countries examined when governance indicators are considered. This could be attributed to the study’s more recent timeframe (2002–2021), the significant role of natural resource revenues, the enhanced quality of institutions in Gulf countries, and the economic diversification efforts primarily led by Gulf countries.
Moreover, it is shown that financial development contributes to long-term growth. Other control variables like domestic investment and FDI show mixed results, likely due to the dominance of the natural resources sector hindering diversification efforts. The study suggests that improving governance can help these countries benefit from their resource wealth, and achieve sustainable growth through the diversification of the different economic activities. Policymakers should focus on building a strategic plan with measurable goals and commit to long-term governance improvements to ensure economic resilience and prosperity for future generations.
To maximize their benefits from natural resource rents, MENA countries should enhance governance indicators like government effectiveness, control of corruption, and rule of law. This includes improving civil service competence, efficient government decision implementation, and managing political pressure. Other key factors include revenue mobilization, infrastructure quality, policy consistency, and enforcement of penalties to combat corruption. Additionally, ensuring equality under the law, transparent legal processes, an independent judiciary, and access to legal remedies is essential for the rule of law to be effective. Oil-producing countries in the MENA region can benefit from increased oil and gas revenues by saving and reforming government subsidies. This is important as fossil fuel revenues may decrease in the future. The rise in revenues also offers an opportunity for tax and fuel reforms. To reduce dependence on the oil and gas sector and enhance economic resilience, all MENA countries should expedite economic diversification efforts by bolstering various sectors to broaden revenue streams. Countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE have successfully implemented diversification strategies, while Yemen, Libya, and Iraq face challenges due to political instability and weak institutions. Saudi Arabia prioritized economic diversification early on, as seen in its Vision 2030 initiative. The UAE has emerged as the most diversified economy in the region, reducing its reliance on oil for GDP growth and government revenue [
9]. MENA countries should focus on developing non-oil sectors like tourism, industry, technology and innovation, entertainment, transportation, and communication. Improving information and communication technology infrastructure can attract more foreign investments and drive economic growth. Infrastructure development programs support economic activities and productivity, laying the groundwork for sustainable growth with reduced dependence on natural resources. Economic diversification can help MENA countries transition from resource-dependent economies to diversified ones. Strong institutions are essential for successful diversification and overcoming the natural resources curse. Upgrading infrastructure is crucial for diversification strategies to succeed, supporting the development of key sectors and transforming the economic structure to promote growth in targeted industries. Diversifying their economies away from reliance on oil is crucial for sustainable growth. Countries like the UAE and Saudi Arabia, which have successfully diversified their economies, can serve as a model for others in the region.
Our research is limited by the short study period from 2002 to 2021, constrained by the availability of governance indicators. However, our findings provide valuable insights into MENA countries as significant oil-exporting nations. Future research could further analyze MENA countries rich in natural resources by categorizing them based on institutional quality and comparing the outcomes between those with strong and weak institutions. Additionally, future research could explore the presence of non-linear relationships to examine threshold effects, where governance needs to surpass a certain threshold to effectively mitigate the resource curse.