1. Introduction
China has witnessed large-scale and high-intensity rural-urban and interregional population mobility since 1978, which has resulted in rapidly growing migrants in China’s metropolises [
1]. Unlike other countries, China’s urban population mainly consists of two parts: the locals with local household registration (hukou) and the migrants without it, as specified by the specific household registration system [
2]. The household registration system is a legal system through which the state collects, confirms, and registers the basic information of citizens, such as birth, death, kinship, and legal address in China. The household registration population refers to the person whose permanent residence has been registered by the public security household registration administration organ in their habitual residence. Compared with the locals, migrants in China’s cities, especially rural migrants, are faced with many disadvantages, including institutional barriers (no local hukou), social discrimination, low level of education (usually primary and junior middle schools), low income, poor social security, lack of legal protection, and low access to education, social security housing, and basic public health services [
3]. The unequal urban-rural relationship in the pre-reform period has shifted into urban areas in the form of unequal intraurban relationships between residents with local hukou and migrants without local hukou in China [
4]. With the continuing housing reform, intraurban residential mobility is increasing in China [
5]. Residential mobility is the adjustment process of family housing consumption. It underlies much of urban growth and change [
6], and is central to understanding urban dynamics and changing social and spatial stratification in cities [
7]. The different choices regarding residential locations and spatial preferences between locals and migrants have reshaped population distribution patterns and sociospatial structures in urban China [
8], and may lead to the segregation of social spaces to some extent. With the rise of housing mobility in urban China, urban studies and urban development must examine the residential mobility of locals and migrants in urban areas in Northwest China [
9].
Based on a questionnaire survey and face-to-face interviews conducted in Urumqi, the capital of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China, in 2018, this paper describes the different residential mobility characteristics between locals and migrants, provides an analysis of the spatial segregation and population distribution arising from residential mobility based on the spatial assimilation theory, and identifies the critical factors that affect the mobility intentions of locals and migrants in the urban areas in Northwest China.
2. Literature Review
Intraurban residential mobility first emerged as a research topic during the late decades of the 19th century [
10]. Studies in western literature can be summarized into five stages. Early western scholars, represented by the Chicago School, thought that the residential place in a city was determined by individual social status, family situation and economic income, and proposed the classical intraurban residential mobility theory, including invasion and succession theory, and filtering theory [
11]. The second stage began in 1950s, which was the rise of the Behavior Study School. From the perspective of migration behavior, Rosie introduced the theory of family life cycle, and argued that the family life cycle could lead to changes in family structure and demand, and a family responds to these demands by adjusting family housing and relocating [
12]. The third stage, which began in the 1960s, mainly involved the study of the spatial and quantitative characteristics of residential relocation, such as the distance and direction of relocation, residential mobility rate, etc. [
13]. The fourth stage started in the mid-1970s and extended until the late 20th century, with the development of the Marxism School, focusing on the effect of social structure, economic development, and political factors on residential mobility. The fifth stage was from 2000 to the present (2019). With the trend in diversified development, the research on residential mobility is becoming more abundant, and the research methods are becoming more diversified.
Compared with the studies in western literature, the study on residential mobility in urban China started in the 1990s, and is significantly different in content given China’s unique political and economic development. With the development of new types of urbanization and the excessive growth of the urban population in China, intraurban migration is having an increasingly significant impact on the characteristics of urban spaces, such as residential forms, neighborhood communications, community cultures, etc. As a result, studies on intraurban residential mobility in China have been increasing [
9]. Previous studies of intraurban residential mobility have primarily focused on four major concerns in urban China. The first concern is the temporal dynamics of the residential mobility rates and the spatial characteristics of the relocation direction and distance. Given the strong planned economic system in the pre-reform period, various management systems in Chinese cities largely restricted intraurban residential mobility, which resulted in remarkably low mobility. Since the implementation of economic reforms and opening-up policies, large-scale urban renewal, the construction of new development zones, and the urban housing system reform have prompted Chinese cities to develop into modern cities with active economies and high population mobility [
14]. Using housing mobility data from a questionnaire survey, Liu and Yan [
6] found that the residential mobility rates slowly started increasing in 1980 in Guangzhou, China. In terms of the spatial characteristics of intraurban mobility, the residential relocation was mainly short distance migration in China (for example, more than 80% of the relocations were within seven kilometers in Tianjin) [
14,
15,
16]. The directions of residential mobility are various in different Chinese cities. There were two main relocation directions in Tianjin, the megacity in Eastern China: one from the old downtown to the new development urban areas, which is the process of population suburbanization; and another from the new development urban areas to the old downtown, which is the process of population agglomeration [
14]. Residential mobility mainly occurred in the inner urban area in Shenzhen, which is located in Southeast China [
17].
The second concern involves the factors or mechanisms influencing intraurban residential movements. The main factors influencing intraurban residential relocation in China can be analyzed on three levels: macro-sized government management and housing market level, the medium-sized work unit and community level, and the micro-sized level, which includes the family level and individual level. The government influences residential relocation behavior through various system reforms, urban planning, old city reconstruction, and housing demolition measures [
18,
19]. With the continuous improvement in the housing sales market and rental market, housing location choice has been increasingly diversified [
20]. Work units affect residential mobility through work place relocation and welfare housing allocation measures [
18,
21], and residents relocate to pursue a better community living environment [
22]. At the micro level, family life cycles, individual life courses [
23,
24], job changes, housing property [
25,
26], housing consumption [
17], income levels, membership in the Chinese Communist Party [
27], commuting distances [
28], information channels on moving [
29], and residential satisfaction [
30] affect relocation behavior. Li et al. [
27] analyzed retrospective historical residential information using a survey in Guangzhou from 1980 to 2001, and found that education and membership in the Chinese Communist Party increase mobility and gender is an important differentiator of residential mobility. Work units dominated the direction and process of urban population migration during the planned economy period (1949–1978). However, residential mobility has gradually been dominated by market demand and affordability migration in the market economy transition period since 1979. Based on in-metro travel times before and after job and/or home moves, Huang et al. [
28] found that commuters whose travel time exceeds 45 min prefer to shorten their commutes via moves, whereas others with shorter commutes tend to increase their travel time for better jobs and/or residences.
The third concern focuses on the effect of intraurban relocation. The process and consequences of relocation have different effects on individuals, families and urban spaces. The new living spaces of residents after relocation are separated from their original social network spaces [
31], and their daily behavioral spaces [
32], cognitive functions [
33], and physical and mental health [
34] subsequently changed or were influenced. Relocation is usually accompanied by the improvement in residential satisfaction [
35]. Intraurban residential mobility has a significant impact on the urban spaces’ expansion and restructuring, such as suburbanization [
36], and socio-spatial restructuring [
37].
The fourth concern focuses on relocation intentions and its determinants. Extant studies focused on the factors influencing different groups’ and communities’ relocation intentions. The determinants of these intentions to move include demographic characteristics and residential satisfaction [
38]. Drawing on the survey data from three different types of residential neighborhoods in Guangzhou, China, He and Qi [
5] found that relocation intentions vary in different residential neighborhoods; male respondents are more likely to have relocation intentions than women, and residents who have higher education tend to relocate. Yang et al. [
9] investigated the residential mobility intentions of urban residents in Zhongguancun, one of the typical areas in Beijing, and found that most of the residents who have intentions to move have weak community identities. Using data from the historical blocks in Chinese cities, Jiang et al. [
38] suggested that intentions to move are negatively affected by residential satisfaction and that older inhabitants have less intent to move than younger inhabitants in urban China.
Migrants have now become the main driver of urban population growth and change in China’s mega cities. Beijing’s migrants, for example, accounting for 62.61% of the total population growth, had an increase at an average annual rate of 11.47% (4.5 times faster than for the total population) in 1978–2010 [
39]. Within the constraints of employment opportunities and the housing supply, most of the migrants live in the suburbs [
40], ultimately forming migrant communities and influencing the urban socio-spatial structure. Given the new type of urbanization in China, studies on the intraurban relocation of locals and migrants will be key to understanding the socio-spatial restructuring and the residential segregation of locals and migrants [
7]. Wu empirically assessed the intraurban migrant mobility in two of China’s largest cities: Beijing and Shanghai. Wu proved that demographic factors such as age and education are significant predictors of both actual moves and prospective mobility, and longer-term migrants seem to gain some degree of residential stability, thus making residential duration the single most influential factor of the mobility rate [
41]. Liu and Yan used survey data that were collected in Guangzhou in 2005 to analyze the determinants of the residential mobility of the local and nonlocal population based on the life cycle theory. Liu and Yan argued that the household registration system had an important influence on individual’s intentions to move in urban China, and huge differences existed in the intraurban relocation behaviors of the local and nonlocal populations [
6]. Drawing on data from two household surveys that were conducted in Guangzhou in 2005 and 2010, Li and Zhu [
42] argued that locals moved mainly in the search for a better residence, and the single most important factor in the moves of migrants was job change. Studies on the intraurban residential mobility of locals and migrants focused on the factors influencing locals’ and migrants’ relocation. However, the spatial consequences of locals’ and migrants’ relocation are unknown, as are the similarities of the determinants of relocation intentions between locals and migrants. Although there is substantial literature on residential mobility in metropolises in Eastern China, such as Beijing, Guangzhou, and Shanghai, relatively little is known about intraurban relocation in Northwest China. This paper provides this information and extends the body of literature to the cities in Northwest China.
We aimed to answer the following questions: What are the differences in residential mobility between locals and migrants in Urumqi, a city in Northwest China? How does the residential mobility of the different groups affect the population distribution and the restructuring of the social and spatial stratification in Urumqi? We first used survey data with detailed personal relocation information from Urumqi in 2018, to compare and analyze the characteristics and the spatial consequences of locals’ and migrants’ intraurban relocation based on spatial assimilation theory. Then, we applied the binary logistic regression to understand the factors influencing locals’ and migrants’ intentions to move.
5. Discussion and Suggestions
The aim of this study was primarily to investigate the differences in residential mobility between locals and migrants in Urumqi, a city in Northwest China, and the impact of the residential mobility of different groups on the population distribution and the restructuring of the social and spatial stratification in Urumqi.
In the above analyses, we confirmed significant differences among the characteristics of locals and migrants in terms of their demographic characteristics, employment, family and housing characteristics, relocation characteristics, and residential satisfaction. For example, the overall education level of migrants in Urumqi was low compared with the local population. The locals have more access to the stable and decent jobs in institutes and companies. The homeownership rate and average housing area of migrants were significantly lower than those of locals. The results of this study are consistent with the results of prior studies [
6,
41,
42,
48] with respect to the residential mobility of locals and migrants in China in that migrants have evidently higher mobility frequency than locals, and job change is the most important factor influencing moving. The housing demolition due to the urban renewal policy has had unintended effects on the displacement of residents’, which has been worse in urban China, as consistent with the study of western cities [
49], and we found that housing demolition could result in the frequent relocation of non-homeowner rural migrants. The municipal government should pay more attention to the problem and reduce the social conflicts and disharmony caused by urban redevelopment and relocation.
Regarding the spatial consequence of relocation, the main relocation directions of both locals and migrants was from the south to the north, which reflected the northward shift of population center in Urumqi. As Yang and Lei found [
50], the urban population distribution has gradually evolved from a single-center distribution pattern in the southern area, Tianshan and Saybark Districts, to a dual-center distribution pattern with the southern center in Tianshan district and Saybark district and the northern center in Xinshi district from 1982 to 2010. Our results are basically consistent with the previous research on the spatial-temporal distribution of the population in Urumqi, and we further analyzed the evolution of urban population distribution patterns from the micro-perspective of residential mobility. From the perspective of suburbanization and spatial segregation, we found an obvious relocation of migrants from the central area to the marginal area. However, the locals did not show a significant trend of suburbanization. The dispersion of locals and the agglomeration of migrants in the suburbs contributed to the formation of migrant communities and the spatial segregation of locals and migrants in Urumqi. Compared with the eastern cities in China, such as Shanghai, we found that the residential differentiation of locals and migrants was apparent, and residential spaces of migrants were further marginalized with urban expansion in Shanghai [
51]. Therefore, Urumqi is similar in suburbanization and spatial differentiation of locals and migrants to the eastern cities in China. The many migrants moving from the central areas to the marginal areas may aggravate the spatial inequality because the spatial distribution of employment is mainly concentrated in the central area [
52], and public service facilities, such as public transport and primary and secondary schools [
53], are not relatively complete and convenient in the suburbs. These results have important ramifications for urban migrant management and control. Governments should acknowledge the spatial consequences of relocation. More attention should be paid to alleviating the spatial differentiation and segregation of locals and migrants and reducing the emergence of disadvantaged migrant communities.
Regarding the mobility intention of locals and migrants, we found that locals were significantly more willing to move than migrants. More than half of migrants were willing to stay, which reflects their demand for permanent residence and their lower ability to move. As evidenced by the binary logistic regression analysis, the factors influencing locals’ intentions to move appear to be different from those of migrants. As expected, age, ethnic group, type of employment, family population, housing area, and residential satisfaction were the factors influencing locals’ relocation intentions, which is consistent with the literature about residents’ mobility intentions in urban China [
54] and western cities [
55]. However, the migrants’ mobility intentions were mainly influenced by housing type and residential satisfaction. The type of employment and other demographic factors did not have a significant influence on migrants’ intentions to move, which was contrary to the locals in Urumqi.
As a city in Northwest China, Urumqi is located in the core area of the Silk Road Economic Zone. According to the latest urban planning guidance of Urumqi in 2014, future urban development should further attract migrants from other provinces and other counties in Xinjiang to Urumqi, to expand urban population scale. To achieve this, a more relaxed migrant household registration policy should be implemented, and the unfairness in the social security system and housing system between migrants and locals should be reduced to improve the city’s tolerance, to promote the citizenization of floating population, and to bridge the gap between migrants and locals.
Our study complements the prior research on residential mobility rates and reasons for relocation, and contributes to the literature by further providing evidence of the differences in relocation between locals and migrants in urban areas in Northwest China. Although this study provides some insights into the spatial differentiation that is caused by the relocation of locals and migrants, there is still room for improvement and extension. We have not conducted a survey about the formation of typical migrant communities, which could better support the study. We plan to further extend this study in the future.