Gendered Analysis of Agro-Based Climate Adaptation in the Santchou Landscape of Cameroon

Abstract

Agriculture remains the backbone and major source of livelihood for men and women in most parts of sub-Saharan Africa. However, the gender-differentiated roles in agricultural transformation as a coping strategy to climate change in this context still beg for empirical substantiation. Using the Santchou Landscape of Cameroon as a case, this study sought to (a) examine the effects of climate change on agricultural practices, (b) characterize gender-differentiation in agro-based climate adaptation interventions, and (c) explore the gender-based challenges to agro-based climate adaptation planning. A representative sample of 159 households was conducted in five communities in the study area, complemented by key informant interviews (N = 5). The data collected were analyzed descriptively. The findings of this study revealed the following conclusions: Firstly, climate change significantly affects agricultural practices in the Santchou Landscape as mirrored in faming season fluctuation as well as the alteration of the farming calendar. Secondly, men and women play differentiated roles in agro-based climate adaptation, especially through farming practices such as the introduction of drought-resistant crops, the the practice of intercropping and agroforestry. Thirdly, gender-based challenges to agro-based climate adaptation include unequal access to land between men and women and unequal access to farm inputs, agricultural training, and technology. This study provides empirical evidence to substantiate the theoretical position on gender-differentiated roles in agro-based climate adaptation. Further studies are required to establish the incidence of gender variations in agro-based climate adaptation on livelihoods.

1. Introduction

The attendant effects of climate change on agricultural systems are no longer new in the geographical lexicon around the world. Many scholars have theorized about climate change and its impacts on agricultural productivity and livelihoods around the world. For instance, between 1991 and 2017, climate change led to losses in agriculture in the USA to the tune of 27.0 billion USD [1]. Furthermore, crop production losses across West Africa between 2000 and 2009 were associated with historical climate change effects, which accounted for losses to the tune of 2.33–4.02 billion USD for millet and 0.73–2.17 billion USD for sorghum [2]. In terms of the gender-differentiated effects, women are known to be highly vulnerable to climate change impacts compared to men. This is partly due to differences in the ownership of economic resources such as land, labor, and capital and also entrenched socio-cultural norms and beliefs that disfavor women [3]. In addition to this, the poverty levels among women are high, and this renders them vulnerable to severe climate impacts. These challenges, which stall progress towards several interlinked sustainable development goals, are rooted, among other things, in poor farming practices and farmers’ perceptions of and adaptation and resilience approaches to climate change [3,4,5].

Faced with these realities, climate adaptation has become one of the key strategies to deal with the issue of climate change. While adaptation is sector-specific, it seems to have gained prominence in the agricultural sector, considering the fact that most of the economies in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) depend significantly on agriculture [6,7,8,9,10]. Scholars have theorized about the varied systems of adaptation in different parts of SSA [11,12,13]. Adaptation to climate change as a strategy has been reported to be defined by socio-demographic determinants, such as sex, age, education, household size, ethnicity, and factors like agro-ecology, livestock holding, off-farm income, access to credit, and extension services [14,15,16,17,18,19,20]. Studies conducted by [18] revealed that family size affected adaptation strategies toward climate change in Indonesia. According to them, large families can divert part of the family labor to non-farming activities to earn more income and to ease the consumption pressure imposed by large families. However, [16] stated that it is better to have a large household with excellent education rather than a small family with inadequate knowledge, as the probability of adaptation is higher in large families with a high level of education than in smaller families with low levels of education. As explained by [21,22], people with a higher level of education have a greater impact on farmers’ decisions in comparison to those with a lower level of education.

Adaptation depicts variations in terms of the practices and systems employed. Agro-based climate adaptation has a long history in different parts of SSA [5]. For instance, some of the agro-based adaptation systems and practices include monoculture, mixed cropping, irrigation, crop rotation, agroforestry, the planting of drought-resistant crops, and the alteration of the planting calendar. Scholars [5,23,24] have examined the evolution of farm-based climate adaptation practices in the vegetable subsector of the Western Highlands of Cameroon and found out that agro-based practices were significantly reflected in crop performance, mirrored through an increase in vegetable quantity, promoted by both state and non-state actors. While both state and non-state actors are engaged in agro-based climate adaptation practices, there are variations in the roles played by men and women in implementing agro-based climate adaptation. These variations are linked to cultural, socio-economic, and political factors. Substantial empirical evidence indicates that gender disparity exists in access to resources, information, and agricultural inputs [25,26]. For example, in rural Kenya, a significant proportion of women were found to adopt food crop-related strategies, whereas men employed livestock and agroforestry-related strategies. The authors of [26,27] demonstrated that in India, there are geographically determined gendered preferences and adoption of strategies regarding adaptation options, which are influenced by the socio-ecological context and institutional dynamics. Scholars recognize that agro-based climate adaptation practices are gender specific and mediated by social, cultural, institutional, and economic structures and processes [28,29]. This explains the fragmented nature of climate change adaptation as well as the suboptimal outcomes attached to such practices.

While success has been registered in some parts of SSA in terms of agro-based climate adaptation, failures have been registered in other parts. This therefore calls for adaptation planning that takes into consideration gender disparities. There is, however, limited evidence on gender roles in several parts of sub-Saharan Africa. This hinders progress towards a comprehensive policy approach to address climate adaptation. In other words, context-specific knowledge gaps exist in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa in terms of the differentiated roles of men and women in agro-based climate adaptation, with Cameroon being a good example. Described as Africa in miniature, Cameroon embodies almost all of the agro-ecological zones that can be found across Africa, making it the example par excellence to study the differentiated roles of agro-based climate adaptation practices, systems, and planning approaches. Furthermore, Cameroon is rated as one of the most ethnically diverse countries in sub-Saharan Africa, with an ethnic fractionalization score of 0.73 [30]. This ethnic diversity is rooted in a culture which tends to shape the differentiated roles of men and women within the society [30]. While there is evidence in the northern and coastal regions of Cameroon of some of the adaptation practices, there is limited evidence in the transitional zone between the coastal areas and the Western Highlands [3]. Santchou, being a transitional zone between the coastal areas and the Western Highlands, provides a good example. This highly dynamic transition zone is characterized by significant agricultural activities [3,5], making it a useful case to illustrate the differentiated roles of men and women in agro-based climate adaptations. It is in this light that this study seeks to (a) examine the impacts of climate on agricultural practices in Santchou, (b) categorize the differentiated roles of men and women, and (c) explore the gender-based challenges to agro-climatic adaptation in Santchou.

2. Analytical Framework

State and non-state actors, such as NGOs, migrants, and natives, are engaged in agro-based climate adaptation at different levels. These are viewed in the spectrum of farming practices, systems, and adaptation planning approaches (Figure 1). Gender variations in agro-based climate adaptation in Santchou depend on a host of determinants, such as income, culture, access to information, capital, and land. These shape the outcomes and necessitate adaptation planning at different levels by state and non-state actors [5]. Adaptation planning includes the abolition of culture, the restriction of land redistribution, ensured equal rights, land inheritance for both men and women, equal opportunities for assistance, subventions to female farmers, and subsidized input costs. At the level of other non-state actors such as NGOs, adaptation planning strategies include access to free agricultural training programs, the sensitization of women on the importance of training programs, agricultural technology and innovation, capacity building on the adoption of new technologies, and the promotion of gender-balanced and peasant-friendly technological innovations. Adaptation planning approaches also vary depending on legal, socioeconomic, sociopolitical and natural contexts.

3. Study Area and Methods

The Santchou landscape is found in the Menoua Division of Cameroon (latitudes 5°18′0″ north and longitudes 9°54′0″ east of the Greenwich Meridian). It constitutes part of the Mbo Plain (Figure 2). It is bounded to the north by Mount Manengouba, to the south by the Dschang Cliff, and to the east by Kekem. Santchou has a population of 46,249 inhabitants who are mostly migrants. It has a surface area of 335 km² and a population density of 137 person/km². It is made up of 60 villages and (Santchou Rural) 4 semi-urban settlements [31].

The main instrument used for data collection was a questionnaire, structured into socio-demographic characteristics of respondents, farming practices, gender differences in agro-based climate adaptations, and the implications of agro-based climate adaptation practices. Two enumerators were recruited and trained for data collection. With the assistance of two community members who have lived in the study area for over 10 years, our research group was able to identify the five communities that were targeted for this study. Data were randomly collected from 159 households in the five communities to include Santchou Ville (18.9%), Madagascar (33.3%), Bessouck (18.2%), Behind Albatros (5%), and Kassala Farm (24.4%) (

Table 1. Distribution of questionnaires.

Communities	Households Sampled	% Sampled	Sampling Fraction %
Santchou Ville	30	18.9	6
Madagascar	53	33.3	8
Bessouck	29	18.2	5
Behind Albatros	8	5.0	5
Kasala Farm	39	24.5	6

). These communities were identified on the basis of the engagement of the inhabitants (men and women) in agricultural innovation as a coping strategy against climate change. Data were collected from May to June 2024. We used a random sampling approach in which an ad hoc household numbering process was employed to determine the total number of households. From this, we proceeded to carry out raffle draws to randomly select numbers corresponding to 159 households. The population size of 250 inhabitants representing the population of the five targeted communities was obtained from [31]. The selected numbers guided us to select the precise households for data collection. A 5 to 8% sampling fraction was assured for all five communities under study, with the unit of analysis being the households. Household representatives were used as proxies for the households.

The questionnaires were entered into Kobo Collect (Version 2023). Subsequently, the spreadsheets were downloaded and exported to the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS Version 25.0), where frequencies and percentages were calculated. The results have been presented using tables, charts, and graphs. Information collected using the questionnaire copies was complemented with other sources such as field observations and interviews with key informants to obtain insights on agro-based climate adaptation practices and gender.

4. Results

4.1. Socio-Demographic Characteristics

In this study (

Table 2. Demographic characteristics of the respondents.

Variable	Categories	Percentage (%)
Santchou Community	Ville	18.9
	Madagascar	33.3
	Bessouck	18.2
	Behind Albatros	5.0
	Kasala Farm	24.5
	Female	24.5
Level of Education	No formal	6.9
	Primary	22.6
	Secondary	49.1
	Vocational	15.1
	BSc and above	6.3
Main Occupation	Farmer	52.2
	Bike/Taxi Rider	8.2
	Petty Trader	10.7
	Salary State	11.9
	Salary Private	6.3
	NGO	0.6
	Builder	0.6
	Sand Miner	1.9
	Others	7.5

), five communities were sampled to include Santchou Ville (18.9%), Madagascar (33.3%), Bessouck (18.2%), Behind Albatros (8%), and Kassala Farm (24.4%). With respect to the level of education, 6.9% of the respondents had no formal education, 22.6% had primary education, 49.1% had secondary education, 15.1% had vocational education, and 6.3% had at least a university degree. In terms of occupation, 52.2% were farmers, 8.2% were bike riders, 10.2% were petty traders, 11.9% were civil servants, 6% worked with NGOs, 6% were builders, 1.9% were sand miners, and 7.5% were in other occupations.

Furthermore, 47.8% of the respondents were household heads, while 52.2% were household members (Figure 3). It is worth mentioning that this study comprised 64.8% respondents who are migrants and only 35.2% who are indigenous. In terms of gender distribution, 44.7% were males while 55.3% were females. Moreover, male household heads constitute 75.5% of the sample, while female household heads account for the remaining 24.5%. Therefore, while there is a great representation of the female population in this study (55.3%), only 24.5% were heads of their households.

4.2. Farming Practices and Interventions by Both State and Non-State Actors

In the Santchou landscape, the population practices both large- and small-scale farming Figure 4. The key agricultural practices include large-scale plantation farming (58.5%), small-scale plantation farming (33%), and livestock rearing (reported by just over 6%). The results also indicate that there are female-inclined farming practices such as mulching, mixed cropping, vegetable cultivation, cassava cultivation, and farming close to the house.

Given the above-mentioned farming practices and the advent of climate change, farmers (Figure 5) reported that their farming practices have been affected by climate change, especially with respect to fluctuations in the farming seasons (75.5%), reductions in soil fertility (8%), and the complete alteration of the farming calendar (6%).

To promote adaptation to climate change, several interventions from different stakeholders in both the government and private sectors have been undertaken (

Table 3. Actor interventions in farming in the Santchou landscape of Cameroon.

	State	NGOs	Household	Men	Women	Natives	Migrants
Monocropping	22%	21.4%	00	6.9%	1.9%	7.5%	7.5%
Mixed cropping	00	3.8%	5.7%	3.8%	6.9%	6.9%	6.9%
Mixed farming	32.1%	17.0%	8.8%	48.4%	61%	61%	61%
Agroforestry system	10.1%	15.7%	61.6%	8.8%	3.1%	4.4%	4.4%
Market gardening	2.5%	1.3%	5%	1.3%	8.2%	3.8%	3.8%
Cash crop farming	25.8%	11.9%	8.2%	17.0%	7.5%	6.9%	6.9%
Apiculture	0.6%	1.9%	2.5%	1.9%	1.9%	2.5%	2.5%
Snail farming	00	3.8%	00	1.9%	1.9%	0.6%	0.6%
Add perennial crops	6.9%	23.3%	8.2%	10.1%	7.5%	6.3%	6.3%

). The results indicate that the promotion of mixed farming was the most significant (32%) intervention by the state. This was followed by interventions to promote cash crop farming (26%). Interventions were also undertaken by the state (12%) and NGOs (17%). This was carried out for men (7.5%) and women (7%).

It is, however, worth mentioning that the promotion of agroforestry systems was mainly practiced at the household level (62%), with some interventions from NGOs (18%) and the state (10%).

4.3. Gender Variations in AgroBased Adaptation

The gender-differentiated dimension of agro-based climate adaptation in the Santchou landscape of Cameroon is presented in

Table 4. Gender variations in agro-based climate adaptation in the Santchou landscape of Cameroon.

Strategy	Male	Female
Change of planting season/periods, dates	0.6	99.4%
Introduce drought-tolerant varieties	1.3	98.7%
Crop rotation	3.1	96.9%
Land oration	10.9	89.9%
Intercropping	88.4	11.4
Repeated sowing	3.8	96.2%
Zero tillage	9.4	90.6%
Cover cropping	4.4	95.6%
Mulching	8.2%	88.7%
Organic farming	3.1	96.9%
Green manuring	6.9	93.1%
Irrigation	3.8	96.2%

. The general trend is that both the men and women are highly involved in climate adaptation. For instance, change in planting season is practiced by almost all the men and women (99.4%). Similarly, a majority of the farmers (98.7%) reported that the introduction of drought-resistant species is practiced by men (1.3%) and women (98%). Moreover, 96.9% of women practice crop rotation versus 3.1% of men, and the practice of organic farming by men (3.1%) and women (96.9%) shows variations. However, land rotation and zero tillage were practiced more by women (90.6%) compared to men (9.4%). On the other hand, men (84.4%) were more involved in intercropping than women (11.4%). In the case of mulching, women (88.7%) were more engaged than men (8.2%).

4.4. Intensity of Each of the Following Farming Adaptation Strategies

Table 5. Intensity of farming practices in the Santchou landscape of Cameroon.

	Not Intense	Less Intense	Moderately Intense	Intense	Very Intense
Change planting season/dates	5%	8.2%	35.8%	11.9%	39%
Introduction of drought-tolerant varieties	6.9%	21.4%	47.2%	22.6%	1.9%
Crop rotation	4.4%	9.4%	35.8%	19.5%	30.8%
Land oration	3.8%	20.1%	49.1%	15.1%	11.9%
Intercropping	3.8%	17%	32.7%	16.3%	30.2%
Repeated sowing	1.9%	12.6%	36.5%	22%	27%
Zero tillage	4.4%	25.2%	45.9%	16.3%	8.2%
Cover cropping	8.8%	19.4%	34%	20.8%	17%
Mulching	6.3%	24.5%	42.2%	15.7%	11.3%
Organic farming	6.3%	23.3%	35.2%	19.5%	15.7%
Green manuring	5%	27%	44%	12.7%	11.3%
Irrigation	13.2%	23.3%	42.8%	10.7%	10%

shows the intensity of the various adaptation strategies; the results show that the most intense agro-based climatic adaptation practice in the Santchou Landscape was the alteration of the planting season (39%). This is followed by crop rotation (30.8%). On the other hand, the introduction of drought-tolerant varieties and the practice of organic farming were less significantly reported, accounting for 47.2% and 21.4%, respectively. Similarly, land rotation (49.1%), zero tillage (45.9%), green manuring (44%), irrigation (42.8%), mulching (42.1%), repeated sewing (36.5%), and cover cropping (34%) were moderately intense in their application.

4.5. Implications for Agro-Based Climate Adaptation Planning

The strategies adopted by farmers in the Santchou landscape have implications for present and future agricultural adaptation planning. Women are more involved in the cultivation of short-cycle crops such as maize, beans, and vegetables, and this has influenced their adaptation practices as a coping strategy to climate change. On the other hand, though men are equally involved in the practice of short-cycle crops, they are more involved in the cultivation of long-term crops such as cocoa farming and the cultivation of palms. This is explained by the fact that the long-term crops require more land for cultivation, and in terms of access to land, existing social and cultural norms favor the men in terms of land access and ownership over women. The involvement of women in the cultivation of short-cycle crops is driven by the motive that such crops are most often cultivated on small farm spaces. The acquisition of land for the cultivation of short-cycle crops is easier through land rental arrangements at prices that are quite affordable to the women.

Women do not only face the challenge of access to land ownership, which limits adaption; they are further hindered by the lack of farm inputs such as fertilizers, improved seeds, access to new technology, and agricultural training. On the challenges faced by farmers in adopting strategies in the agricultural sector to fight against the negative consequences of climate change, the key challenges faced by men and women include the lack of improved seeds: 45% for women and 38% for the men. This was followed by inadequate access to modern and sustainable technologies (31% of the women and 32% of the men) and inadequate access to new knowledge and skills in farming (24.5% of the women and 30% of the men) (Figure 6).

4.6. Strategies to Bridge Agro-Based Climate Adaptation Gaps Between Genders

As can be inferred from

Table 6. Strategies to bridge agro-based climate adaptation gaps between genders.

Strategy	Category	Response (%)
Access to land	Abolition of cultural restrictions	63.5
	Land redistribution	18.2
	Ensured equal rights of land inheritance	17.6
	Others	0.6
Access to farm inputs	Equal opportunities for assistance	69.2
	Subventions to female farmers	13.8
	Subsidized input cost	17.0
Access to agricultural training	Sensitization of women on the importance of training	98.7
	Others	1.3
Access to new technologies	Capacity building on the adaptation of new technology	73.6
	Promotion of gender balance	13.2
	Peasant-friendly technological innovations	13.2
Access to financial capital	Promotion of farmers	75.5
	Provision of interest-free/low-interest loans to farmers	13.8
	Preferential treatment of women when it comes to loan conditions	10.7

, improving the participation of women in the adoption of sustainable farming practices in the advent of climate change can be achieved through increasing access to land, farm inputs, agricultural training, and new technologies, as well as access to financial capital. Based on field evidence, the sensitization of women on the importance of agricultural training was reported as close to 99%, followed by the promotion of farmers (75.5%), capacity building through the adoption of new technology (74%), and the provision of equal opportunities to both men and women (69%). The abolition of cultures that restrict access to land for women was reported at 63.5%. Moreover, the promotion of gender balance was reported at 32.6%, land redistribution at 18.2%, and ensuring equal rights to inheritance for both men and women at 17.6%, among other factors reported (Table 6).

5. Discussion

This study sought to analyze the gender-differentiated roles in agro-based climate adaptation. The results on the differentiated roles of men and women in terms of agro-based climate adaption are that men and women play different roles depending on the agricultural practices that they are engaged in. For instance, men are more engaged in the cultivation of long-cycle crops such as cocoa and palms, while women are involved in the cultivation of short-cycle crops such as vegetables, maize, and beans. This explains the variations in their adaptation strategies. Adaptation strategies are influenced by socio-cultural factors which influence land access as well as access to farm inputs and technology. These findings are consistent with the works of [24,25] who argued that men and women play different roles in agro-based, climate-based adaptation. The findings also revealed that even though men and women are involved in agro-based climatic adaptation, women are more inclined to specific adaptation practices than men. For example, land rotation and zero tillage were practiced more by women compared to the men. On the other hand, men were more involved in intercropping and mulching (9.4% and 8.2%, respectively) as compared to the women (1.9% and 3.1%, respectively). This finding conforms with studies carried out by [29] who argued that men and women carry out varied adaptation practices to fight against climate change.

The results also revealed that while men are involved in long-term agro-based climate adaptation practices, women are more involved in short-term farming activities, as this provides returns, income, and sustenance for their livelihoods. This is also consistent with the findings of [3] in the Western Highlands of Cameroon, where women carried out more of the short-term farming activities. The findings are also in line with other studies carried out across Africa and other parts of the Global South [21,29,32,33,34,35], which indicate major gender differences in agro-based adaptation by farmers and livestock keepers. In terms of agro-based climate interventions, the study revealed that state and non-state actors play varied roles in agro-based climate adaptation in the Santchou landscape. The promotion of mixed farming receives the highest intervention (32%) from the state. This was followed by interventions promoting cash crop farming (26%). While both state and non-state actors are engaged in agro-based climate adaptation practices, there are variations in the roles played by men and women in implementing adaptation. This finding is consistent with initial studies conducted by [25,35]. The variations are linked to cultural, socio-economic, and political factors. Substantial empirical evidence indicates that gender disparity exists in access to resources, information, and agricultural inputs. For example, in rural Kenya, a higher percentage of women were found to adopt food crop-related strategies, whereas men employed livestock- and agroforestry-related strategies [26,27]. Studies also reveal that in India, there are geographically determined gendered preferences and adoption of strategies regarding adaptation; these are influenced by the socio-ecological context and institutional dynamics.

6. Conclusions

Climate change has significant effects on agricultural practices in the Santchou landscape of Cameroon. Agricultural innovations have been introduced through gender-based adaptation as a coping strategy. As the gender-differentiated roles in agricultural transformation still beg for empirical substantiation, this paper used the Santchou Landscape of Cameroon as a case to (a) examine the effects of climate change on agricultural practices in Santchou, (b) characterize gender differentiation in agro-based climate adaptation interventions, and (c) explore the gender-based challenges to agro-based climate adaptation planning. The analysis led to the following conclusion: while men and women are both involved in the agro-based adaptation strategies, variations exist based on the type of agricultural practice. The study also concludes that socio-cultural factors act in various dimensions to influence agro-based climate adaptation processes, while state and non-state actors have played varied roles in influencing gender-differentiated agro-based climate adaptation. For example, the broad-based approach to agro-based climate adaptation has influenced men and women to adopt similar strategies, such as the introduction of new crop varieties and the adjustment of the planting calendar. Gender-based challenges to agro-based climate adaptation include unequal access to land between men and women and unequal access to farm inputs, agricultural training, and technology. The provision of farm input, agricultural training, and innovation has reduced the gender gap between men and women in adapting to climate change. This study provides empirical evidence to substantiate the theoretical positions on gender-differentiated roles in agro-based climate adaptation. Further studies are required to establish the incidence of gender variations in agro-based climate adaptation on livelihoods.