Street Design Elements That Influence Mental Well-Being: Evidence from Southern Chile

Abstract

The aim of this article is to assess which elements of street design impact subjective well-being in the central area of a city in southern Chile, based on residents’ perceptions. Fifty-six semi-structured walking interviews were conducted to obtain records of pedestrians’ self-reported perceptions of their environment. To categorize the emotions reported in the interviews, the Circumplex Model of Affect was used to organize and classify the declared emotions. The results revealed that street design elements such as heritage buildings with well-maintained facades with intense colors in their coatings, spacious front gardens, wooden facades, low fences, wide sidewalks, soft or rubberized floors, and trees with colorful fruits and leaves promote a greater dominance of high-intensity positive emotions such as enjoyment, joy, happiness, liking, and pleasure. In contrast, neglected or abandoned building facades, blind fronts with graffiti or murals, high fences, tall buildings, treeless or vegetation-free sidewalks, untrimmed bushes, and narrow and poorly maintained sidewalks promote negative emotions of both high and low activation such as fear, anger, dislike, rage, unsafety, discomfort, and stress. The article concludes with the development of an emotional map of momentary experiences, identifying places of well-being and discomfort in public spaces. The value of this map is discussed as a tool to inform urban design in the promotion of healthier pedestrian environments in Latin American cities.

1. Introduction

The high rate of urbanization is one of the most relevant challenges facing Latin American countries, where well-planned cities and neighborhoods remain fundamental for moving towards sustainable development [1]. In Latin America, various studies have suggested that urbanization has led to diverse spatial transformations, such as the rapid increase in private residential projects that have altered landscapes as well as urban lifestyles [2,3,4], new forms of urban development in central areas defined by spatial fragmentation and privatization [5,6], and dispersed and intense verticalization [7]. These changes have resulted in a widespread loss of neighborhood scale, generating important impacts on the quality of public spaces and becoming an increasingly critical issue for urban design [8,9,10]. In this context, there exists not only a challenge of physical redesign but also of creating healthier, safer, and more inclusive environments, where mental well-being emerges as a fundamental concept in rethinking the development of public spaces.

In Chile, there are currently concerning data regarding people’s well-being. According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [11], indicators such as life satisfaction, physical and mental health care, and especially the quality of the living environment, have been poorly considered in the design of urban spaces. Well-functioning cities have around 50% of their surface area dedicated to public space [1,12]. Public spaces such as sidewalks, streets, parks, squares, gardens, and waterfronts are areas for social interaction, economic exchange, cultural expression, and urban resilience building, which promote the health and well-being of inhabitants. However, the multifunctional potential of public spaces often is not well reflected in their design [13]. Problems such as stress, anxiety, and changes in mood are some relevant aspects of mental well-being influenced by the physical quality of public spaces [14,15]. Although there is evidence in international literature on the relationship between place and well-being, there is still limited empirical research on people’s perceptions and mental well-being regarding urban design of their public spaces, especially in Latin American cities [16,17]. In this context, this research formulates the following research question: What elements of street and public space design influence mental well-being?

The objective of this research is to evaluate which elements of street design affect mental well-being in the downtown area of Valdivia, Chile, based on residents’ perceptions from walking interviews. Valdivia is an intermediate city located in southern Chile, which has undergone significant spatial transformations that have affected the quality of its public spaces and has seen a sharp population increase due to the COVID-19 pandemic, presenting complex challenges for the quiality of urban life [18].

This article is structured into three parts. First, it reviews the literature on mental well-being and its relationship with morphological elements of street design. Subsequently, it presents the qualitative method of walking interviews and the results of the records of pedestrians’ self-declared perceptions of their environment. Finally, the article concludes with urban design recommendations that could enhance mental well-being in streets and public spaces in southern Chile.

2. Theoretical Framework

2.1. Mental Well-Being and Its Relationship with Place

Mental well-being is one of the key components of sustainability and a subjective indicator of urban habitability [19]. According to the Encyclopedia of Quality of Life and Well-Being Research, mental well-being—or subjective well-being—is defined as “the human experience and optimal psychological functioning, involving subjective experiences and objective conditions indicative of physical, mental, and social aspects” [20]. Mental well-being comprises three dimensions: hedonic well-being (also known as emotional or affective well-being), eudaimonia (cognitive dimension linked to engaging in altruistic activities and achieving long-term gratifications), and life satisfaction [15,21].

Hedonic well-being refers to a broad range of emotions, which we can understand as immediate and involuntary affective behaviors evoked by stimuli, and whose function is crucial for survival. Specifically in humans, so-called “positive and negative emotions” serve this function and influence our sense of reality, coping behaviors in response to stress, and personal judgment regarding what makes us more or less happy [22]. The built environment is very important for hedonic well-being, as many joys or frustrations in life are “shaped” by the affective atmosphere we experience in places of residence, work, and community, as well as by the conditions and quality they possess [23]. Studies on well-being and the built environment have used qualitative or quantitative assessments to record people’s reported positive and negative affect and measure hedonic well-being. This includes the study of emotions, moods, and feelings generated in response to certain stimuli, considering the subjective experience of the place one inhabits and the life situation or biographical history of the person at the time of assessment [23,24].

In this context, one of the most widely used dimensional models of affect is James Russell’s Circumplex Model of Affect [25], which assesses the influence of environments on people’s affective states. This model represents a wide variety of momentary emotional states in terms of two main dimensions: emotional valence, referring to positive and negative emotions, and the intensity or activation of these emotions [25]. Another widely used theory is the Theory of Activity [26], which emphasizes the importance of engaging in meaningful and rewarding activities for mental well-being, such as hobbies, work, exercise, volunteering, social interaction, walking, and any other activity that a person finds meaningful and gratifying. Lastly, the contribution of Antonio Damasio [27] is noteworthy, who distinguishes three main types of emotions: background, primary, and secondary. His theoretical model has been used, for instance, in walking studies to assess self-reported emotions related to the urban environment [28,29]. Other relevant theories, such as Ulrich’s Stress Recovery Theory [30] and Kaplan and Kaplan’s Attention Restoration Theory [31], emphasize that interaction with nature—whether through visualization or direct experience—reduces stress, enhances relaxation, and aids in the recovery from mental fatigue.

Human perception is a subjective and comprehensive sensory process to become aware of sensory information [23,32], which cannot be fully captured using only objective indicators or quantitative techniques. In this sense, qualitative methods, such as on-site interviews or walking interviews, have the advantage of generating spatially sensitive perceptions by being conducted in situ, walking through streets and being in motion. This methodology effectively incorporates physical, environmental, and sociocultural variables that affect everyday subjective emotional experiences while walking in public spaces [17,33,34]. Thus, qualitative methods allow for the study of narratives or intimate accounts about emotions and bodily experiences that, through the affective atmosphere generated by a specific place, have the potential to enhance or diminish subjective well-being [35]. In this context, the objective of the present research is to identify and classify immediate emotional experiences that arise from the interaction with physical components of public space, in order to understand their effect on mental well-being.

2.2. Street Design Elements and Their Effects on Mental Well-Being

Streets’ design and their morphological components have been widely recognized as a determinant of human health [15,36]. Street design characteristics can play a significant role in people’s perception and generate specific emotions as they walk [37,38], which in turn influence mental well-being. For example, several studies have analyzed the role of sidewalks in promoting greater mental well-being while walking, where variables such as their width and condition, the presence of trees or resting furniture, their materiality, and cleanliness can generate positive emotions when walking, such as feelings of safety and tranquility [28,32,39,40,41].

Other studies highlight the importance that building characteristics can play, focusing on three main aspects. First, facades with architectural or artistic value can generate emotions of happiness, enjoyment, and tranquility in public spaces [17,42], whereas poorly maintained facades may evoke fear and insecurity [43,44,45]. Second, the permeability or visibility of facades is important. Fronts with glass facades or windows are associated with greater mental well-being. In contrast, facades lacking windows or access points over long stretches can generate negative emotions such as boredom and a sense of unsafety. Thus, various authors recommend visibility ranges from 50% to 75% of the street frontage and access doors every six to ten meters to create active and safe streets [46,47,48]. This enhances the potential for correlation between private and public spaces, promoting social interaction and strengthening people’s ability to engage with their environment [49,50]. Third, the proportion between building height and street width also appears to be a key factor in spatial design to promote mental well-being. Buildings whose height significantly exceeds the width of the street may cause anxiety, stress, and insecurity, especially on streets with high density [51,52,53].

Various studies have also analyzed the role that block size can play in mental well-being. Block dimensions between 70 m and 100 m are mostly recommended in the literature, since they provide greater physical and visual permeability to the urban fabric, which facilitates movement and increased visual control and space visibility. This influences emotions such as security and confidence while walking, associated with greater mental well-being [14,54,55].

However, in Latin America, there is limited research analyzing which physical factors in urban environments can promote well-being [15]. The few studies focus on factors such as access to parks [56], residential satisfaction with the neighborhood [57,58,59], perceived safety, and walking [60,61,62,63,64]. The latter provide evidence that fear of crime and gender differences are significant determinants of the walking experience, especially in low-income areas [60,61,62,63]. Other studies indicate that sidewalk quality (width, cleanliness, surface texture) and the presence of trees are crucial in generating greater sense of safety, comfort, and often positive emotional well-being, whereas noise and dangerous intersections can generate stress [17,28,29,33].

3. Materials and Methods

This research aims to identify street design elements that influence mental well-being, based on self-reported perceptions of residents in “Barrios Bajos”, a neighborhood in the central area of Valdivia city (Figure 1). Valdivia is an intermediate city located in southern Chile with a population of 166,000 inhabitants in its urban core. Its central area covers a net area of 105 ha with a density of 60.84 dw/ha. The selection of this case is relevant because it is not only an area that has undergone significant spatial transformations affecting the quality of the physical infrastructure of its public spaces, but it has also experienced a sharp increase in its population due to the pandemic and social upheaval, presenting complex challenges for urbanization and quality of life. In fact, Barrios Bajos is one of the seven central areas selected under the National Plan for the Regeneration of Central Areas (RAC), promoted by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Planning of Chile to develop strategies for sustainable urban renewal, incorporating socio-environmental and spatial aspects and human-scale variables [65]. Barrios Bajos consists of various residential complexes of industrial origin and has shown a precariousness in its public spaces in recent years. Due to a sharp increase in population during the COVID-19 pandemic, this sector became a strategic area for housing development in Valdivia. The deterioration of its built environment is attributed to limited public investment and the presence of areas with high urban and housing vulnerability.

3.1. Data Collection and Recruitment

In order to identify which street design elements influence mental well-being, the qualitative method of walking interviews was applied using the Natural Go-Along technique [34], where the researcher accompanies the interviewees while they walk. For this study, participants were asked to choose a route in their neighborhood that includes places that generate positive emotions and places that produce negative emotions.

Through questions, a dialogue was generated while walking whereby participants freely expressed their perceptions and emotions about the built environment. Participants were also instructed to stop at places that evoked feelings or emotions associated with greater resonance or emotional charge. Guided by a semi-structured questionnaire that contained relatively open questions, the participants were first asked general or open-ended questions such as: (i) How do you feel as you walk through this place? (ii) What elements and characteristics of this street provoke emotional reactions in you? Then, by increasingly specific questions, the participants were asked to talk about (i) the places that evoke emotional reactions, (iii) how the places make them feel, (iv) the destinations of their walks, (v) the frequency of their walks (days and times) and how long they stay, (vi) what emotions they experience while walking along the street/place, (vii) whether they walk alone or with company, and (viii) what differences they notice on the route during the different seasons of the year. The participants chose the meeting point (generally their homes), the hour, the destination(s) (e.g., parks, shops, and banks), the extension of the walk, and the route that would be followed during the interview, and were encouraged to walk at their regular pace. The route lengths varied for each interview, with the longest covering 800 m and the shortest 400 m. Regarding the duration of each interview, the longest lasted approximately 45 min, while the shortest was around 15 min. Three researchers accompanied each walk to record the routes and collect data. To conduct the interviews, ethical approval was secured from the Ethics and Bioethics Committee of the Universidad Austral de Chile, and informed consent was provided by the participants.

In total, walking interviews were conducted with 56 participants. In qualitative research, the sample size is typically small and not necessarily representative of the entire population, as the focus is on exploring meanings and experiences rather than generalizing findings [66]. In this study, data saturation was achieved by the 40th interview, at which point no new significant ideas emerged. Consequently, the sample size was deemed sufficient to capture the necessary diversity without extending data collection unnecessarily.

All participants were recruited with the assistance of neighborhood associations and the “snowball” technique. Regarding selection criteria, participants needed to have been residents of the area for at least two years and be adults (over 18 years old). Gender and age parity among interviewees was achieved (aged between 21 and 78 years, of whom 58.3% were men and 41.7% were women). For data recording, each conversation was recorded using a smartphone, and the Strava app (GPS) was used to georeference the walked routes and verify the location of each recording. Photographs were also taken of the aspects that the interviewees highlighted while walking. The walking interviews took place on weekdays between November 2022 and April 2023, during the spring and summer seasons.

3.2. Data Analysis and Emotion Categorization

The interviews were recorded in audio, transcribed verbatim, and imported into the qualitative data analysis software Atlas.ti (version 9.0), based on the open coding procedure described in Grounded Theory [66]. The analysis was carried out in the participants’ native language of Spanish. Afterwards, it was translated by a native English expert and reviewed by three project researchers (Dr. Heskia, Dr. Herrmann-Lunecke, and Dr. Zumelzu), who are proficient in English within the research field. Results were organized based on the street design elements that residents mentioned most frequently and were grouped into two large groups: sidewalks and building and property frontage.

To analyze and categorize the declared emotional reactions in the interviews, the Circumplex Model of Affect [25] was used. This model suggests that emotions can be understood in terms of two main dimensions: first, emotional valence from positive to negative, where positive emotions are located at the positive end of the scale (for example, happiness), while negative emotions are located at the negative end (for example, sadness); and second, emotional valence from low to high activation, referring to the level of intensity of an emotion, including at one end calmer emotions (for example, relaxation), while at the other end are the most intense emotions (for example, fear or anger).

3.3. Construction of Emotion Map

For the construction of the emotion map, cartography was used as an exploratory method [67] to identify the places that foster positive and negative emotions, according to the emotional reactions declared by the interviewees. Cartography as an exploratory method according to Rey and Granese [67] is a methodological tool that allows researchers to investigate and visualize the complexity of social and spatial phenomena in a dynamic, fluid, and contextual way. It focuses on relationships, processes, and subjectivities to explore and discover new connections and meanings. Thanks to the georeferenced recording from Strava GPS of the walked routes and the location of each interview, the following were overlaid: (1) which elements of the street design were mentioned most frequently by the interviewees and their specific characteristics, and (2) the predominant emotions of each place. The map was created with a GIS tool.

4. Results

Regarding the interviews, the results show a predominance of emotions of positive emotional valence (n = 445) with high intensity of activation, such as enjoyment, happiness, pleasure, and liking; and emotions of negative emotional valence (n = 297), both of high activation (n = 152) such as fear, dislike, disgust, anger, and stress, and low activation (n = 145) such as discomfort, unsafety, sadness, and melancholy, as shown in Figure 2 and Figure 3. The results also reveal important gender differences in the emotions expressed by the interviewees. For example, both high- and low-activation negative emotions, such as unsafety (N = 63), fear (N = 31), stress (N = 21), anger (N = 14), and displasure (N = 5), were reported to a greater extent by the women interviewed, while low-activation positive emotions, such as safety (N = 101), comfort (N = 21), and calmness (N = 18), were reported to a greater extent by the men interviewed.

Regarding the aspects of the built environment, the results were organized based on the street design elements that residents mentioned most frequently, and were grouped into two large groups: (i) sidewalk and (ii) building and property frontage (Figure 4 and Figure 5). It was observed that the impact of the elements on self-reported mental well-being was not only determined by their presence, but also by their specific characteristics, as shown in the analysis of the results below.

4.1. Sidewalk

The sidewalk was the most mentioned element by the interviewees (N = 343). According to the residents, the quality of the sidewalk in terms of its condition, dimensions, and design creates comfort, tranquility, and enjoyment, especially if it includes trees or low vegetation. Its characteristics and associated emotions are described below.

Nature and vegetation in planting beds:

Regarding sidewalks, the presence of nature and vegetation were the most mentioned characteristics in the interviews, causing both positive and negative emotions while walking (N = 155). Sidewalks with trees in their planting beds, with large and illuminated leaves, were associated with feelings of tranquility, joy, liking, and enjoyment among the interviewees (Figure 6). For example, trees and vegetation of various species on streets, with a diversity of colors in their leaves, especially if they have flowers or fruits (such as chestnuts and loquats), generated positive emotions such as enjoyment and liking while walking. In the words of a 27-year-old woman (General Lagos Street):

“This street right here has that tree, I think it’s a loquat tree. The whole street gets filled with those huge leaves, each one at least 20 centimeters, all brown on the ground, it’s beautiful. And that’s my Barrios Bajos”.

According to the participants, the high concentration of trees and more abundant foliage on sidewalks are associated with feelings of comfort and tranquility, especially during summer, due to the shade and coolness they provide to the area, this often being a determining factor when choosing walking routes. These perceptions were strongly expressed on General Lagos and Ernesto Riquelme streets, as described by a 27-year-old woman:

“I like that there are these big trees in the summer, it’s really nice and comfortable […] I go to the fair regularly, every Tuesday. So, I always walk under their little tree and the breeze feels so good. In fact, we’re going to pass through there now”.

Likewise, a 68-year-old resident (Ernesto Riquelme Street) indicates:

“I think there’s a lot of vegetation and trees, plenty of shade, if it’s not on one side of the street, it’s on the other, so it doesn’t feel too hot, no matter how summery it is. For instance, inside my house it’s warm, and I’ve walked around the block to cool off, it calms me down”.

However, under certain conditions, walking on streets with trees or bushes can also be perceived negatively, showing gender differences among interviewees (N = 63, male = 5, female = 58). For example, overgrown or untrimmed trees on sidewalks could generate fear, a sense of unsafety, and stress, especially among women, creating visual obstruction, increased darkness, and a feeling of confinement on the sidewalks. In the words of a woman over 65 years old (Philipi Street):

“The tree is pretty, but it should be pruned, because we have to think about safety, as I’m telling you, any guy could hide here at night and who knows what could happen”.

On the other hand, streets lacking trees and vegetation in their planting strips, or trees without leaves, caused discomfort, dislike, and even rage in several participants (Figure 7). In the words of a 30-year-old man:

“But walking around here is also horrible because there are no trees, not enough to cover you all the way to the center, so it’s a bit despairing”.

Condition of sidewalks:

The condition of the sidewalks was another characteristic frequently mentioned by the interviewees (N = 91). Sidewalks in poor condition and/or poorly maintained caused a sense of unsafety, dislike, and discomfort, especially among elderly individuals (for example, cracked pavements, garbage, flooded sidewalks) (Figure 8). Cars parked on sidewalks caused discomfort, rage, and anger, since they hinder free pedestrian movement. Other barriers such as stacked firewood on sidewalks and the absence of signage at intersections also triggered rage and discomfort. In the words of a woman over 70 years old:

“I usually alternate between sidewalks, depending on whether there is a lot of accumulated garbage on them […] it makes me uncomfortable because I have to stop and go one by one, or basically, switch sidewalks. […] Also, they stack firewood on the sidewalk and block the view, some park on the sidewalk and it bothers me because you have to squeeze by to pass”.

Design and Dimensions of Sidewalks:

The design and dimensions of sidewalks was also a frequently mentioned factor in the interviews (N = 70). Wide sidewalks provided comfort and security while walking, especially for women, who emphasized the importance of maintaining distance from building facades, particularly in noisy or densely crowded areas. Conversely, narrow sidewalks generated fear, a sense of unsafety, discomfort, and even stress, particularly among the interviewed women, and especially on streets with large crowds of people or with cars parked on sidewalks, which hinder the visual field of streets and intersections. In the words of a 32-year-old woman:

“Look, one thing that always stresses me out is when there’s a lot of crowding, this sidewalk is narrow, it’s kind of uncomfortable and stressful to walk through here when there are a lot of people, and then when you get home and start walking through places that are less dense with people and are more spacious, you can relax a bit”.

Likewise, a woman over 60 years old points out:

“[…] in recent years I have noticed it’s more unsafe when walking along this sidewalk (Cochrane), since this sector is so close to downtown it is always full of parked cars and since it is so narrow you have to be careful when crossing the street because cars block the view and mount the sidewalk”.

Regarding the floors, pavements on sidewalks with excess concrete generated discomfort and dislike, especially in the summer months due to their heat, but also due to their aesthetics and lack of variety. In the words of a 23-year-old man:

“In the streets parallel to this one, it’s unpleasant to walk; there’s a lot of concrete, a lot of pavement, so you lose a bit of the charm (perhaps) of the south. Besides, the pavement, for example, in summer, radiates a lot of heat in the afternoon, which is both good and bad, in the sense that at night it won’t be cold, but it takes away the beauty, makes the landscape very flat”.

Conversely, textures of soft and rubberized floors in squares generated joy, enjoyment, and happiness, mainly in relation to recreational activities or associated with happy memories of social sports activities. Cobblestones in streets generated enjoyment in some interviewees due to their aesthetics; however, their poor condition and poor maintenance also generated dislike or disgust when walking.

4.2. Building and Property Frontage

Buildings and their frontages were also frequently mentioned by the interviewees (N = 247), and depending on their characteristics they could generate well-being or discomfort in the residents.

Heritage Building:

Buildings with heritage value generated various emotions of well-being depending on their characteristics and the state of conservation of their facades. The facades as exteriorized architectural elements of the building, with a diversity of colors or intense colors in their coverings, and the presence of ornaments in door and window frames were associated with an aesthetic–architectural assessment that generated emotions of joy and enjoyment in the majority of the interviewees. These are significant characteristics of the urban image and important contributors to the aesthetics of Barrios Bajos, and tend to promote enjoyment, pride, and neighborhood identity, especially when the materiality and ornaments that make up the facades and their original front gardens are respected. Thus, a 27-year-old man declares:

“The place that gives me the most enjoyment within the neighborhood is the axis of General Lagos, it seems to me to be a super important heritage route in the neighborhood. The large houses here are very pretty, they are very well maintained […] like the one we have right across the street, which has a heritage house plaque and is absolutely beautiful. The music conservatory is here as well, imagine, super important and, I think this street has a lot of authenticity and is really beautiful”.

It should be noted that Barrios Bajos features a typology of one–two-story houses in the central area of the neighborhood, with vibrant colors on their facades, low windows, and well-maintained front yards. These facades, whose architectural value is associated with the materials used (exterior cladding wood, tin on roofs) and ornamental features (size of doors and windows), generated happiness, enjoyment, joy, and esteem among many interviewees. This was especially true when the houses were well-maintained, as they preserve the original architectural value and meaning of the neighborhood’s urban image (Figure 9). Enjoyment as an emotion is also linked to the intensity of colors present on the facades. In the words of a 25-year-old woman:

“I really like this house in particular. I feel that, if I had to define Barrios Bajos in a little house, this would be the little house. I like its color, I like its dimensions, in spring, those twigs that you see up there on the ceiling are pink and it is very pretty. I have some very nice photos of this little house, I really like […] the tiny door, the wide windows. I feel that it is a facade that reflects the identity of this sector. It brings me a lot, a lot of happiness”.

Conversely, abandoned buildings or buildings with facades in poor condition—especially if they were of architectural value—produced sadness, anger, and disgust in many participants. The replacement of wood as cladding on facades with homogeneous materials such as tin or fiber cement generated, according to those interviewed, a loss of the material identity of the neighborhood. The deterioration of heritage buildings aroused nostalgia, primarily a longing for what these homes once were. In the words of a 36-year-old man:

“Now I feel a bit nostalgic seeing these mansions, especially those on the Pérez Rosales side. They have been gradually disappearing over time, being demolished, each year more tilted and fading away. It’s sad because they are houses that, in a way, are made of noble woods and typically that wood gets lost”.

New buildings, mainly high-rises, generated stress, discomfort, disgust, and rage in those interviewed. The construction of new buildings has involved the demolition of buildings with heritage value and has generated negative impacts on adjacent buildings, such as loss of lighting due to excessive building height, land subsidence, and loss of private space.

Frontages and property space:

Frontages and property space elicit various emotions among residents depending on their characteristics. Property with low fences generated feelings of safety and tranquility, especially among women. However, high bars (at least two meters high) in front of educational sites such as schools or universities produced discomfort and anger.

Gates with styles and designs in heritage buildings generated joy and enjoyment among those interviewed, as did property frontages with large front gardens with a diversity of vegetation, especially if they had native trees and bushes with flowers and colors, and, especially in women, considering the potential uses they could have. In the words of a woman over 65 years old:

“I like this, you know? […] The garden, the flowers, the colors, I love this one, it has rosemary and it smells delicious, I enjoy when I pass by here […] yes, I love this, in fact I always stop and pluck rosemary. If there is another species with a scent that is at hand, I always pluck it, like lavender”.

On the other hand, property frontages without front gardens or privatized green spaces triggered rage and insecurity, particularly in women. This occurred mainly in blocks with high density, with buildings close together, and with little property space available (housing with extensions and/or expansions of the domestic space to generate income, such as renting rooms or cabins), in streets such as Clemente Escobar and Baquedano. Similarly, blind walls towards the street generated feelings of unsafety and disgust, especially in older women. Furthermore, graffiti on blind walls triggered anger and dislike when these did not have a perceived artistic connotation, especially in women. In the words of a woman over 67 years old:

“I don’t like graffiti […] so I think, what do those letters say? It scares me what that means, because now they might paint a flower, some little animals, that’s fine. But those letters, sometimes you don’t know what they say”.

Finally, the results were used to generate a map of emotions from momentary experiences in neighborhood locations (Figure 10). The map allows us to spatially associate the most predominant emotions declared by the interviewees with the places within the neighborhood. Thus, the map identifies five areas or zones of mental well-being and distress within the neighborhood, incorporating specific elements and characteristics of street design that evoke different emotional responses, both positive and negative, of high and low activation.

5. Discussion and Conclusions

The objective of this article was to analyze which elements of street design affect mental well-being in Barrios Bajos, a central area of the city of Valdivia, Chile. The results of the interviews revealed that both the design of facades and sidewalks, as well as the presence of vegetation, influence self-declared positive emotions. Thus, facades in good condition, facades with intense colors in their coverings, wooden facades, large front gardens, low fences, wide sidewalks, soft or rubberized floors, and trees with colorful fruits and leaves promote high-activation positive emotions such as enjoyment, joy, happiness, liking, and pleasure. In contrast, facades of neglected or abandoned buildings, blind fronts, fronts with graffiti or murals, high fences, high-rise buildings, narrow sidewalks in poor condition, sidewalks without trees or vegetation, and unpruned bushes trigger negative emotions of both high and low activation such as fear, anger, dislike, rage, unsafety, discomfort, and stress.

The findings of this research strengthen what is evidenced by recent studies on the importance of facade design and its ornamental and material characteristics [14,42,44], as well as wide, clean sidewalks with trees [28,29,33], in promoting mental well-being. However, the importance of color on facades and the diversity of vegetation in public spaces emerge as the most novel findings, given little or no evidence of these in the existing literature. One of the most relevant findings is associated with the importance of the diversity of vegetation on the sidewalk strips. Trees and plants of various species, with different colors, flowers, or fruits in streets are linked to positive emotions of both low and high activation, such as pleasure, enjoyment, confidence, and tranquility, without showing significant gender or age differences between respondents. Facades, as the most exteriorized architectural elements of the building, are significant characteristics of the urban image and important contributors to the aesthetics of street design, contributing mainly to momentary emotional experiences of high activation, such as joy and enjoyment, while other frequently mentioned elements such as the presence of nature and vegetation on the sidewalks caused mostly low-activation emotions, such as calm, tranquility, or relaxation; or, conversely, when these were neglected, insecurity or discomfort. Urban nature and the high aesthetic quality of facades are essential elements in the creation of urban communities that promote greater mental well-being. In this sense, diverse plant species in public spaces, along with the aesthetics of facades in terms of materiality and color, play a crucial role in generating positive emotions among residents of all ages and genders.

However, when it comes to negative emotions, there is a significant gender disparity in the emotions associated with maintenance of urban vegetation. Gender differences are observed in several reported negative emotions. Feelings of unsafety, fear, stress, displeasure, and anger are emotions that were mentioned more by women, particularly in relation to narrow and poor-condition sidewalks, leafy trees without maintenance on the sidewalks, dirty sidewalks, blind walls with graffiti, and street fronts without front gardens. On the other hand, the width of the sidewalk and the presence of low fences in front gardens provided greater security according to the women interviewed. Although these findings differ in some aspects from recent studies on the relationship between insecurity and the lack of maintenance of leafy trees [19,47], the results of this research suggest that not only the width and quality of sidewalks are important for mental well-being, but also the maintenance and management of other adjacent elements, such as leafy trees, blind walls, and facades. Moreover, the perception of physical and visual openness of sidewalks, influenced by the presence of front gardens and low fences, plays a significant role in the perception of safety in public spaces, especially among women, a finding that reinforces evidence from recent international studies [33,45,63,64]. Regarding the practicality of the findings, this study has significant potential to inform and guide the formulation of public policies in urban planning and mental health within cities. Their contribution lies in their ability to direct urban planning towards the creation of environments that enhance the mental well-being of the population. Specifically, these results offer a deeper understanding of how specific street design elements influence residents’ emotions, allowing for the design of spaces that foster positive emotions and mitigate negative ones. Moreover, these findings can serve as a foundation for urban revitalization initiatives by identifying areas that require improvements in street design, thus transforming spaces that generate discomfort into places that promote well-being. They may also influence the modification of urban planning regulations by incorporating specific criteria for facade maintenance, the inclusion of vegetation, and the construction of sidewalks, ensuring that future developments align with the promotion of mental well-being.

The emotional map of experiences developed in this research is presented as a practical tool for urban design. It not only allows for the assessment and monitoring of the impact of public policies on citizens’ well-being, facilitating adjustments based on empirical data, but can also be used as a tool for citizen participation. This map provides valuable insights into how residents perceive and experience their environment, which can influence the formulation of design strategies that address the emotional needs of the community. Although these findings highlight the importance of some of the elements that determine street design in central urban neighborhoods, caution should be taken with the generalization of results. In this study, the aim was to explore meanings and experiences rather than to generalize findings. The procedures used to collect and analyze data were described in detail to ensure the credibility of the results. The study gathered data in a central neighborhood of an intermediate city; however, further research is needed to better understand the influence of the built environment on mental well-being in other contexts, such as the periphery, metropolitan areas, and smaller cities. Additionally, it is important to explore whether greater gender differences exist in such studies and how these factors unfold in different socioeconomic and geographical contexts.

In future studies, the incorporation of surveys as a complementary method could not only help to generalize a larger amount of data to define trends according to the context, but also, in combination with qualitative interviews like walking interviews, allow for a deeper understanding of the environment and the subjective experiences of individuals. This would facilitate the interpretation of data to identify relevant themes, patterns, and meanings.The results of this research provide empirical evidence to consider in the design of streets based on the approach to a specific case study in southern Chile, so more research is necessary to complement these results with other similar cities in Latin America, especially in this type of context where population growth is an increasingly critical issue for people’s well-being, requiring greater attention for future studies that link environment and health. As the physical characteristics of urban areas change to accommodate new residents, a deeper understanding of the relationship between the design of public spaces and mental well-being can play a catalytic role in urban design. Therefore, in the context of increasing urbanization and the increasingly critical effects of climate change on cities, it is crucial to expand research-based knowledge to support decision-making. The results of this study could help cities base their management on scientific evidence, generating design solutions for streets and public spaces that significantly contribute to the mental well-being of their inhabitants.