Luxury of Traditional Architecture: Emergence of Hanoks as Luxury Housing

Abstract

This study explores the recent emergence of traditional Korean houses and hanoks as markers of cultural capital in Seoul, South Korea. While the ownership of detached houses itself can be a symbol of wealth in Seoul, traditional-style houses have become increasingly associated with luxurious living, particularly after the successful remodeling of hanoks in metropolitan settings such as Bukchon in Seoul. This study employs the critical luxury studies method to analyze the recent rise in hanok construction/remodeling among elites, and illustrates how traditional architectural forms have become status markers. Although the regeneration of traditional houses in cities has been examined from the perspective of gentrification or touristic cultural consumption, less academic attention has been placed on the phenomenon from the perspective of the homeowners’ taste. This study examines how traditional architecture has become a form of acceptable luxury through a media analysis of published articles and interviews with the residents of hanoks. This study argues that protecting endangered traditions and rich sensory experiences function as important moralizing factors in luxury housing, indicating that sociocultural valuation becomes as significant as market valuation.

1. Introduction

Luxury is not about the things that you own. It is about something that reflects your personal values, something that shows the choices that you have made in your life.

• Marcel Wanders

“Featured exclusive offers for you only, a clear moment of rest filled with peace and tranquility, with the dignified service of Hanok Heritage House” states the website of a hanok hotel named “Hanok Heritage House” in Yeongwol, South Korea. The hotel’s description further states, “Hanok, the beauty of tradition, the sharp eaves that seem to take flight, the wind that passes through the low walls. In these moments, the eyes linger on various places and the stay becomes even more special.” The hanok, a traditional Korean house, has become a fashionable residential type and its form has been adopted in many high-end accommodations and hotels (Figure 1). The exact date of emergence of the hanok style is unclear. However, the style of currently remodeled hanoks, with raised wooden floors, floor-heated rooms (ondol), and kitchens, is considered to have been completed by the late Chosun Dynasty (1392–1897 CE), around the 16th to 17th centuries at the latest. As the description of the hanok hotel reveals, living in the hanok is associated with special experiences that come from appreciating cultural heritage sites.

Since the successful implementation of the Bukchon Hanok Regeneration Project in Seoul in 2007, hanok remodeling has become a new residential trend in South Korea. The presence of many hanok-style houses has attracted tourists to the area, making the neighborhood a popular destination for both local and international tourists. The success of the project ushered in the construction of new hanok villages in South Korea, and the establishment of the Architecture and Urban Research Institute (AURI) National Hanok Center in 2011. South Korean scholars have conducted many studies and R&D projects on lowering the cost of hanok construction by employing building information modeling (BIM) technologies. Other efforts to invigorate the remodeled hanok housing market include the establishment of a hanok design committee, hanok design guidelines, and economic policies to subsidize repair costs for registered hanoks.

New hanoks use a mix of construction methods, utilizing reinforced concrete for foundations and wooden post-and-beam structures for walls and windows. After many R&D projects, the use of prefabrication and membrane tapes has reduced construction costs and increased energy efficiency. Chung In Dang, a hanok building in Eunpyong Hanok Village in Seoul, showcases innovative technologies used in new hanoks to maximize comfort and efficiency while reducing construction costs (Figure 2).

With the recent practical and academic surge in interest in neo-traditional houses, many academic studies have examined the impact of neighborhood regeneration on tourism, the architectural industry, and local economies [1,2]. Many studies on neo-traditional housing in the field of architecture have examined it as a representation of heritage sites [3,4]. However, most studies have concentrated on classical styles in Western historical architecture, such as New Urbanism towns and historical neighborhoods in Europe [5,6,7]. Several studies have been published on Asian neo-traditional houses and gentrification [8,9]. However, few critical examinations of the relationship between luxury and traditional architecture have been conducted. Most studies regarding hanoks have concentrated on performative aspects, such as the BIM design method, thermal performance, construction efficiency, and ways to develop a standardized evaluation system [10,11,12]. Studies of new hanoks with a focus on social aspects concentrate on the satisfaction levels of the inhabitants, reflecting the trend of making practical use of the renewed traditional housing type [13].

This study examines the construction and ownership of remodeled hanoks from the perspective of critical luxury studies. Critical luxury studies differentiate between simply knowing something as a luxury from a market price and understanding how something becomes luxury from sociocultural values [14]. While the ownership of detached houses itself can be a symbol of wealth in Seoul, traditional-style houses have become increasingly associated with luxury, particularly after the successful remodeling of hanoks in the Bukchon area of Seoul. This study considers the theoretical debate on luxury studies to analyze the recent rise of hanok construction/remodeling among the elites and illustrates how the traditional architectural form has become a status marker. Remodeling refers to changes made to a part of or an entire building and includes the replacement of building components. Since most traditional East Asian houses are made of wood, many parts need to be replaced when they are burned or damaged, making remodeling a part of maintenance. While the replaced parts are designed to fit into the historical style, they are not the original components.

This study aims to identify the reasons for the emergence of new hanoks as luxury housing. The research questions were as follows: Are remodeled and new hanoks considered luxury architecture? If yes, how do the processes of new hanoks becoming luxury housing accommodate the various connotations associated with luxury? Although the regeneration of traditional houses in cities has been examined from the perspective of gentrification or touristic cultural consumption, less academic attention has been placed on the phenomenon from the perspective of homeowners’ taste. This study conducted a literature review and media analysis. First, it examined critical literature regarding luxuries and then analyzed published articles that contained interviews with the residents of hanoks. The study adopted a neutral position toward luxury, using the term in neither a pejorative nor a commendatory sense.

2. Materials and Methods

Using two methods, this study examined how traditional architecture has become luxurious. First, it examined the definition of luxury through a literature review of critical luxury studies (

Table 1. Different definitions of luxury.

Berry (1994) [15]	Thomas (2007) [16]	Ricca and Robins (2012) [17]	Condello (2014) [18]	Sharr (2016) [19]	Ross (2015) [20]	Nicolae et al. (2009) [21]	Cheva Lier and Mazzalovo (2012) [22]
Luxury as a shifting notion based on the basic grammar of society	Luxury as jaded and retreating into representation only	Meta-luxury based on the pursuit of excellence	Architecture of luxury showing different ways architecture became a permissible form of luxury	Luxury as embodying the “genius” or creativity of starchitects	Luxury can be shared in common areas	Psychological and sociological factors are significant	Luxury must have an artistic component, craftmanship, and international appeal

). Second, a media analysis of published articles containing interviews with hanok residents was conducted. Six keywords were coded in the interviews: comfort, sensory experience, conformity to traditional methods, expense, sustainability, and excessive tourism (

Table 2. Number of mentions for each keyword/parameter in 59 interviews with hanok residents.

Keywords	Number of Mentions
Comfort	25 (one negative)
Sensory experience	22
Conformity to traditional methods	30
Expense	7
Sustainability	8
Excessive tourism	3

). Thereafter, the content analysis of the interview and the theoretical analysis were compared to reach a conclusion (Figure 3). I argue that the sense of protecting endangered traditions functions as an important moralizing factor in luxury housing, indicating that sociocultural valuation becomes as significant as market valuation.

Critical luxury studies involve archival research and analysis of theoretical discussions regarding what constitutes luxury. Although the definition and connotations of luxury have changed throughout history, certain commonalities can be established by examining critical academic debates surrounding architectural luxury. A critical analysis of the concept of luxury in architecture includes examining a built structure from socio-political and economic perspectives. After discussing the different theoretical stances on luxury, this study presents an operable definition of luxury housing and applies it to the discussion of new hanoks.

To understand the symbolic sociocultural association of owning a new hanok, this study engages in media analysis (Figure 4) of published interviews and commentaries of new hanok owners and residents. Since the construction of new hanoks has become active after the completion of the Bukchon Regeneration Project, this study examines newspapers and magazines published from 2009 to 2024, and those that include substantial interview content with residents. Big Kinds, a big data news analysis site, was used to identify news articles using the keywords “hanok” and “resident interview” from 2009 and 2024. Of the 67 articles identified, 12 containing substantial interviews with residents were selected for analysis. In addition, a periodical search in the national assembly library of South Korea with the keywords “hanok” and “interview” for the aforementioned time period yielded 47 interviews with residents and experts. Many interviews were found in Hanok Munhwa, a quarterly periodical dealing with the cultural dimensions of hanoks, first published in 2007. This periodical has been continuously publishing a series of interviews with owners/residents living in new and remodeled hanoks. Hanok Munhwa was chosen as a principal source since it devotes much of its content to the discussion of sociological and cultural perceptions of hanoks. Compared to other journals/periodicals, this journal published much more material on non-experts’ views about hanoks, in addition to expert’s opinions. In total, 59 interviews from news and periodical articles were examined. This study has some limitations because it excludes the voices of hanok owners who were not interviewed by the media, thus limiting the scope of the dataset. However, since this study’s aim is not to evaluate the general satisfaction level of owners but to understand how new hanoks are perceived and experienced as luxury, it is sufficient, if imperfect, to analyze published interviews to capture the reasoning underlying selecting hanoks as residences.

The remainder of this paper is organized as follows: First, this study introduces theoretical debates on what constitutes luxury and, by extension, luxury architecture. After reaching an operable definition of luxury architecture, this study discusses whether new hanoks can be considered a luxury. This study differentiates between simply knowing something as a luxury and its process of becoming a luxury. Thus, it also discusses the episteme of luxury and the process by which new hanoks are integrated into the category of luxury.

3. Theoretical Debates Regarding Luxury and Luxury Architecture

Defining what constitutes luxury is difficult, if not impossible, because of changing standards and perceptions. Berry has described the boundary between the necessary and luxury as based on the “basic grammar of societies”, since what counts as a luxury in one social context may not hold in others [15]. Tracing the perception of luxury through history, Berry noted the changing perception of luxury—from a vice in the past to the modern interpretation of luxury as something positive, particularly with the development of commerce and the capitalist economic structure during the Enlightenment period [15]. For instance, Western philosophers and liberal economists, such as Hume and Smith, began to associate luxury with freedom and happiness.

However, negative associations with luxury did not disappear entirely with the dominance of the capitalist economic structure. Thomas has argued that democratization of luxury, which began in the 1980s, has ushered in “de-luxe”, a phenomenon of luxury commodities losing the integrity and quality they once possessed [16]. Thus, the circulation of fake luxury goods has become widespread, as consumers do not care about the authenticity of the luxury product as long as the fake product can pass as the real one. Others question the viability of luxury goods, as these items, often novelties using new technologies, are based on environmentally unsustainable practices [23]. However, some scholars, such as Ricca and Robins, have argued that the concept of “meta-luxury” should be differentiated from the clichéd notion of luxury [17]. According to them, meta-luxury is based on the pursuit of excellence in quality, with profits being a byproduct of pursuing such a goal. Others, such as Chevalier and Mazzalovo have added being “international” as one of the pre-requisites of luxury. According to these studies, luxury products appeal to people of diverse cultural and ethnic backgrounds in many countries [22].

Thus, most scholars agree that luxuries either embody or represent superior-quality goods/services and are desired by many people in a given sociocultural context. In architecture, luxury structures mark the social distinctions of their owner(s). In the Architecture of Luxury, Condello has examined the way “luxury informs how overbuilding, or architectural excess, became permissible from antiquity to the modern era” [18] (p. 8). While size, material, and embellishment have historically denoted the status of luxury architecture, new factors such as creativity have been included in determining the status of luxury. Sharr examined how architectural creativity, which is embodied in the works of starchitects, is associated with luxury [19]. However, he questions the extent of the creativity manifested in architectural luxury, which largely depends on the signature styles of starchitects, regardless of context. Nicolae et al. [21] examined the psychological dimensions of luxury housing consumption and argued that sociological and psychological factors play significant roles. Ross argued that luxuries can be considered public, as in the case of the Paris Commune, where communal luxury of artworks were imagined to “flourish in spaces shared in common and not just in special privatized preserves” [20] (p. 58).

Despite the differences regarding how luxurious architecture is perceived (Table 1), most associate luxury architecture with comfort, expensive materials, and design creativity that many people desire. This study considers luxury architecture as an extensively desired structure designed for maximum comfort, socioeconomic distinction, and aesthetic experiences, though many may well do without. According to this definition, high cost does not always imply luxury housing. Some may argue that the high average price of a house in a major metropolis (e.g., New York) makes homeownership a luxury in certain places. However, considering the requirement of comfort, dilapidated housing can hardly be considered a luxury, regardless of how expensive it may be owing to its locational advantage. Simultaneously, luxury housing is to be differentiated from acceptable decent housing if it features something that typical people can live without. For example, one may wish to live in a house with an impressively high ceiling study, a large swimming pool, or a Jacuzzi. However, the absence of a study, swimming pool, and Jacuzzi does not seriously constrain the regular activities/chores associated with average-income households. Thus, a luxury house is different from decent housing, because the absence of luxury features is not considered particularly embarrassing or undignified.

4. Discussion

4.1. The New Hanok as Architectural Luxury

Does architectural style also affect how a given structure is categorized as luxury? Therefore, are new hanoks considered luxury items? Do they satisfy the definition of luxury adopted in this study and by other scholars of the critical luxury studies aforementioned?

While few people live in historical and new hanoks, comprising only 3.3% of the South Korean population, many desire to live in hanoks [24]. For instance, a survey conducted by the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, and Transport in 2008 revealed that the number of those desiring to live in hanoks surpassed that of those wanting to live in apartment houses [24]. Moreover, consumer surveys have revealed that South Koreans in their 40s and older with higher incomes strongly desire to live in hanoks [25]. In other age groups, the desire to live in hanoks is lower. Among those in their 20s, 31.4% desired to live in hanoks, and among those in their 30s, 39.7% wanted to live in hanoks. The desirability of the hanok peaked among those in their 40s at 49.4%, which decreased to 48.6% among those in their 50s, and to 38.6% among those over 60 years of age [24]. Thus, new hanoks are widely desired among Koreans, satisfying the criterion of extensive desirability.

Regarding comfort, many owners of new hanoks expressed satisfaction with the comfort level, despite the commonly held belief that living in hanoks can be uncomfortable. One resident owner in a new hanok located in the Gahoe neighborhood noted:

I changed my plan to have a second floor, and I am satisfied with the result. Even if it is used later as a living room, there is no problem. The heating and cooling works well. Everything is comfortable. One can live comfortably if one uses the downstairs as a kitchen and living room and the second floor as a bedroom.

[26] (p. 61–62)

In another interview, a couple in their 50s described their journey of building hanoks and noted that they had not experienced feelings of discomfort, although the construction process required a long time and effort to make it right. The wife noted:

Other than that, people usually talk about inconveniences such as the front door being far away, however, my husband and I like to move around, therefore, we do not find such things inconvenient. Moreover, I like that it feels slightly cooler than an apartment where there is no overall temperature difference and that the air circulation is good; therefore, it is always fresh.

[27] (p. 63)

This feeling of being generally comfortable, without much discomfort, in the newly constructed hanok is echoed in the opinions of architects specializing in hanok construction [28]. New hanoks include features such as air conditioning and glass windows, as they are contemporary dwellings without cultural heritage protection regulations. Thus, unlike historical hanoks, where repairs are limited, which may limit comfort levels, new hanoks are considered to embody historical styles with modern comfort. As Table 2 presents, 24 out of 25 mentions regarding “comfort” evaluated hanoks as comfortable, although one interviewee noted that the level of comfort could have been better. However, it must be acknowledged that “comfort” itself is a subjective feeling, as the resident noted that she likes the cool feeling of new hanoks, while others may complain about a cooler temperature.

Historically, various architectural styles have been associated with luxury. Condello has demonstrated how the rustic Petit Trianon and seemingly ruin-like De Monville’s Broken Column House have emerged as new luxury architecture at the height of the picturesque movement [18]. Interestingly, no architectural style is entirely free from being associated with luxury, as some even argue that modernist architecture, purportedly a style of mass consumption, was initially a commodity of the elite [29]. What matters more is by whom and to what extent a given style is desired. While the term hanok refers to Korean-style housing, it invokes a larger Asian architectural heritage because it uses a structural system familiar in historical Asian buildings. In contrast to reinforced concrete construction, most new hanoks continue to adhere to wooden structural systems with brackets on the roofs. This wooden bracket system is also used in historical housing in many Asian countries, including China and Japan, rendering this historic form international, although there are local variations in the manner in which the brackets are assembled. Most architectural historians note that wooden bracket constructions called gongpo (dougong) (Figure 5) were incorporated into Korean architecture as early as the epoch of the three Kingdoms in Korea (18 BCE–660 CE) [30,31]. Thus, hanoks are representations of international architecture with local interpretations that satisfy Chevalier and Mazzalovo’s definition of luxury as international [22].

Most owners/residents consider new hanoks to reflect South Korean traditions (Table 2). Although most new hanoks are built with modern technology, such as BIM and machine-cut parts, the style continues to evoke the pre-industrial past by following traditional structural systems. For instance, Chung In Dang, a new hanok built in the Eunpyong Hanok Village of Seoul in 2017, uses a combination of traditional and modern methods, using polycarbonates and traditional paper windows. Moreover, it uses foreign materials such as Douglas fir and expanding airtight tapes to improve insulation performance. Despite the use of modern technology, housing experts considered the proportion and exterior finish of traditional façades, earning the architects the Korea Wood Design Award in 2017. The feeling that new or remodeled hanoks using modern technology do not necessarily reduce the feeling of heritage was echoed in resident interviews. One resident noted:

After studying and learning all these things, I decided to change the Hanok I live in into a modern one. If one says that my hanok has lost the elements of traditional hanok, I would say that it has all of them. I did not lose it. This is simply the difference between viewing and interpreting. It has been used in this way previously, but I believe it has a different meaning now in order for the tradition to be inherited.

[32] (p. 98)

As Table 2 presents, conformity to traditional methods was frequently mentioned, indicating its importance; most residents of the new hanok consider them to contain traditional ambience despite the introduction of modern materials and new construction technologies. Observing traditional structural systems generally makes the construction cost higher than that of typical reinforced concrete structures, such as apartment housing. The construction cost for one pyong (approximately 3.3 square meter) for the average apartment unit in 2016 was approximately 4.64 million Korean won (approximately 3339 USD), however, for Hwagyondang (a new hanok developed by the R&D team of Myungji University in 2016), it was 6.85 million Korean won (approximately 4928 USD) [33,34]. In Eunpyeon Hanok Village, where a group of new hanoks was constructed, the construction cost of the same unit area in the new hanoks ranged from 8 to 12 million Korean won, or 5791 to 8688 USD [35]. While this is higher than the average construction cost of all housing, the construction cost of the new hanok is lower than that of traditional hanoks, indicating that those hanoks were built with more expensive materials and required more human labor input. In certain cases, the owner wants to ensure that the structural elements of new hanoks are flawless, making construction costs even higher than that for the average new hanok. Depending on the conformity to traditional construction methods, construction of the hanok can cost from 15 million won (10,792 USD) to 20 million won (14,390 USD) per 3.3 square meters, which is three to four times higher than the construction cost of apartment housing [35]. A carpenter specializing in hanok doors/windows noted:

I had an experience at a former teacher’s house, and there was a homeowner who requested three conditions for windows: ‘the color of pine should match, old wood should be used, and there should be no knots.’ First, it did not appear to be a difficult task, however, we selected materials from two truckloads of wood to make only two sets of doors. Therefore, realistically, it was not an easy task.

[36] (p. 114)

Thus, the cost could become much higher depending on the homeowner’s taste. In this case, the owner desired a flawless material with no knots/gnarls, which raised the cost significantly, as more wood was needed to extract the flawless material.

However, the traditional ambience generated by wooden construction systems makes expensive housing more permissible. In addition to the higher construction costs associated with new hanoks, the difficulty of maintaining a traditional-style house contributes to the notion that the owner has to be more mindful and diligent than those living in easier-to-maintain houses such as apartments. One hanok resident in Bukchon noted:

I have learned so much over the past year in the hanok. These are things that I learned with my body, not my head. When I stay here, I feel the energy of the land. I feel like I am sitting in a warm embrace of nature. Hanok is said to be a house where you can feel changes during the seasons. If one can live in a hanok, one has to be busy and cope with it as the seasons change. Sometimes these things can be annoying, however, that annoyance has the power to make people think; if I had not come here, I would never have known about them.

[37] (p. 115)

Living in the hanok involves more work than living in apartment houses where management office staff usually perform maintenance work; however, the experience is considered valuable because it provides an opportunity to consider how to prepare for the change of seasons. In another interview, a couple comprising an architect and a sculptor noted that they were highly involved in the overall remodeling process of a hanok in Bukchon, including painting and tile setting in the bathrooms. However, despite the work involved, it is meaningful because it constitutes a search for happiness.

Most interviewees belong to the creative class, which includes designers and professionals [38]. One owner of a new hanok connected his profession as an interior designer with his residence in the hanok based on an interest in craftsmanship. He noted that “those enjoying traditions are few”, but that he “wishes to deliver authentic messages based on tradition as a designer working in an unpredictable world” [39] (p. 58). Thus, appreciation of spatial aesthetics is a reassuring aspect for owners, ensuring that their design work will reflect authenticity.

Thus, although keeping the traditional ambience require much work on the part of homeowners and policymakers, it is taken with a sense of pride, since it is considered to be a symbol of cultural appreciation. The notion that cultural capital is necessary to appreciate luxury continues to shape the discourse of new hanoks and their ownership [14,40]. For instance, Peter Bartholomew, a strong proponent of the hanok who had been living in a hanok for 35 years in Korea, noted that no matter where one lives, there are bound to be some inconveniences; however, the important aspect is the superiority of cultural values [41]. Bartholomew, a member of the Royal Asiatic Society Korean Branch (RASKB), frequently voiced his preservationist opinions regarding hanoks and how to remodel them without damaging their historical integrity.

Most Koreans are aware of the historical connection between tiled-roof hanoks and the literati class of the Confucian society. For instance, the large daechung (wooden floor) in the sarangchae (the reception wing) is not only associated with the wealth of the owner but also with the willingness to abide by the Confucian ethical code of conducting ancestor worship. Thus, having a daechung and sarang wing became a permissible luxury, as these were not simply exhibitions of wealth, but also a way to confirm that the owner was fulfilling the Confucian expectation of filial duty.

While ethical codes associated with the traditional social hierarchy have become obsolete in most industrial societies, the vanishing traditional houses have triggered preservationists and architectural scholars to view them as targets for preservation and protection. Disappearance of traditional houses is at least partly due to a shift to vertical-oriented development, with construction of many high-rise residential structures. Simultaneously, the dominance of high-rise and other modernist housing in East Asian cities has contributed to the perception of modernist housing as monotonous and aesthetically unappealing [42].

In this context, new hanoks, although not historical, embody a new aesthetic experience that is not available in the typical apartment housing that has become dominant in South Korea. The next section discusses the process by which new hanoks have come to be considered luxury. As Roberts and Armitage argued, knowing how something becomes a luxury differs from simply knowing that it is a luxury [14]. Understanding the construction processes and sensory experiences is an important element of the social dimension of luxury.

4.2. Why Is the New Hanok Considered a Luxury?

Unlike historical hanoks, new hanoks use prefabricated wooden parts created using new BIM technologies to reduce construction costs. Brackets, beams, and girders that used to be handmade in historical times are cut with machines, although certain parts, such as window frames, may be made by carpenters specializing in traditional architecture. For instance, a contractor for Gongju Hanok Village, noting the difficulty of dealing with new hanok construction, noted that pre-cut technology must be used to reduce construction costs [43].

Regardless of the fact that many parts are prefabricated with machine-cut parts, new hanoks are considered to embody traditional craftsmanship and aesthetics. Even when pre-cut technology is used, it cannot be used for the entire house because approximately 20% of wooden parts need to be handcrafted [44]. Despite current R&D efforts to reduce construction costs, parts such as traditional window frames remain expensive because the use of glass makes the frames heavy, and imported parts have to be used [34].

While historical hanoks designated as cultural heritage sites are maintained through state or local government aid, the construction of new hanoks receives a limited amount of aid, and only when new hanoks are registered. Although new hanoks can receive as much as 15 million won (equivalent to 108k USD) if they are located in the hanok preservation district, the construction cost remains higher than that of modern houses, such as apartment housing [45]. Thus, owners of new hanoks are willing to pay more money for construction and maintenance, indicating that their appreciation of traditional aesthetics makes new hanoks desirable, despite the higher cost. What makes new hanoks a permissible luxury is the traditional aesthetics that they are perceived to embody. Other luxury houses, such as modernist residential towers or large detached houses built in a contemporary architectural style, are considered to benefit only the owners, because the outward appearance of these buildings is not much different from the rest of the city. However, new hanoks are considered to contribute to an urban aesthetic that is distinct from the monotonous cityscape of modern metropolises. The generation of a traditional urban ambience is considered beneficial to those who visit neighborhoods because it provides the public with a new aesthetic experience. Thus, although the interior of the house can only be enjoyed by the owner, the exterior becomes a part of the public cityscape, rationalizing aid for new constructions. The importance of contributing to urban aesthetics is evident in the five mandatory elements that new hanoks should adhere to in order to receive financial aid from the city (Figure 6). The five essential elements of new hanoks include the structural elements exposed from the streetside elevation, meaning that the traditional structure should be visible from the street. The absence of visibility requirements on sides that do not abut streets indicates that the view from the street is an important criterion for determining whether a given hanok deserves financial aid. Thus, the requirement that the registered hanok contribute to urban aesthetics reminds us of historically permissible architectural luxuries containing an element of communal enjoyment, rather than solely being a form of private enjoyment [20,22].

However, new hanoks are not simply a luxury because of what they signify; that is, the historically higher status of the owner as an elite with cultural capital. As many luxury scholars have noted, luxuries satisfy sensory experiences [46,47]. Many residents of new hanoks commented on the new sensory experiences they found satisfactory—those that could not be found living in the typical reinforced concrete construction of apartment housing or other forms of modernist housing. One resident noted:

Although located in the middle of the city, the house is natural. The house does not say anything; however, I believe the experience of being surrounded by silence comes from nature. The changes in nature are depicted by a single tree or the sunlight passing through the yard and reaching deep into the main hall during winter. Is it not wonderful that a house can embrace nature so completely?

[48] (p. 26)

In another interview, a resident noted that the smell of cypress wood in one of the rooms was satisfactory. Others praised the diffusion of translucent light through the room when the light was filtered through hanji, a traditional Korean handmade paper prepared from mulberry trees. Residents also observed that the feeling of cool air in the hanok was a satisfactory sensory experience. Thus, the ability to sense the circulation of cool air, light, and even smell is considered a luxurious experience associated with hanoks, which differentiates them from typical apartment houses that lack such a rich range of sensory experiences. This sensory experience, which goes beyond the visual dimension, can only be obtained by staying in a hanok. One Bukchon resident commented on the increasing number of tourists in the area:

The sad part about seeing tourists is that all they can do after climbing up this hill is view the gate and fence of someone else’s house, and capture pictures. However, this is regrettable. One should at least climb up the main floor, view the sun, feel the fresh air, listen to the sound of rain, sit in the ondol room, and maybe drink a cup of tea.

[37] (p. 115)

Unlike representational luxury, the hanok is considered something that can be experienced and felt only by living in one rather than simply viewing it.

As mentioned previously, the historical form of the hanok embodies the international traditions of East Asian houses. The desire to maintain traditional housing is shared among people worldwide, as protecting cultural heritage is considered important in most civilizations. The historical appeal of hanoks is not confined to people of Asian lineage. While foreign visitors outside Asia may not opt to own new hanoks, short-term stays in new hanoks are popular as “authentic” living experiences, different from staying in typical high-rise hotels. Many tourist reviews of hanok guesthouses in Bukchon evaluated the stay positively and stated that the ondol (warm floor) heating was satisfactory. Many hanok guesthouses are located in Bukchon, close to the palace complexes that most tourists want to visit.

Although hanoks generally appeal to many, the desire to live in a hanok varies according to age and income. Younger generations in their 20s and 30s are less likely to want to live in hanoks because they spend less time on household management. Younger people generally have lower incomes than older people with more established career positions. However, older people are less likely to want to live in hanoks because health conditions prevent them from living in property that requires more maintenance work. Simultaneously, those in their 50s and 60s experience a change in household structure as their adult children move out. Therefore, it is desirable for them to live in condominiums or apartment complexes with minimal maintenance work. Considering such demographic factors, the desirability of hanoks is high despite the differences among age groups.

Thus, the episteme of hanoks as luxury has both a representational and lived aspect, as hanoks are associated with not only the abstract value of tradition but also the more experiential dimension of engaging different senses, including the tactile and olfactory senses. As the interviews with the hanok residents indicate, simply gazing at remodeled hanoks does not provide the same level of experience or appreciation. While the preservation of traditional housing functions as an important policy rationale for promoting hanoks, this is not the only reason many South Koreans consider hanoks desirable. Instead, the rich sensory experiences provided by the hanoks become as important as the abstract value of preserving traditions. If the provision of traditional urban ambience is what makes hanoks a luxury at the neighborhood level, the rich sensory experience associated with hanoks is what makes them a luxury at the individual level.

5. Conclusions

This study examined the construction of hanoks as luxury residences, viewing them as a traditional and sustainable way of living that makes housing a form of permissible luxury. Although the term hanok had previously invoked a less modern way of life and, consequently, a less comfortable way of life, such a notion began to change with the integration of new technologies and materials. Despite requiring more effort to maintain, preservation of the historical building style has become an important aspect of opting to live in hanoks. While the current policy of the city government to provide aid for the new construction of hanoks is based on the notion that the presence of hanoks contributes to urban aesthetics, owners/residents view rich sensory experiences as an important part of their choice to live in hanoks. Thus, sensory satisfaction, along with the representation of cultural heritage, makes the hanok a form of luxury residence, indicating that luxuries are not purely representational. Instead, socioeconomic valuation has become an important part of the luxury of hanoks.

While hanoks have become a permissible luxury, it remains uncertain whether this residential trend will continue, as new generations in South Korea with different lifestyle preferences may not desire residence in hanoks as much as the older generation. With the increase in one- or two-person households, hanoks that require more maintenance work may become less desirable. However, continuing R&D projects to lower the construction costs of the hanok may make hanok residences more accessible, thus making the hanok a form of affordable and decent housing rather than a luxury. As modernist architecture has become a standardized building type suitable for affordable mass-produced housing, hanoks may become another housing style that middle-income households can afford. However, the current fringe housing market for the hanok continues to be led by the elite, indicating that preserving the traditional house form itself can be considered a luxury when apartments have become the dominant housing type in most global metropolises. This phenomenon is not confined to South Korea, as many elites living in East Asian metropolises, characterized by monotonous urban landscapes of high-rise residential towers, may seek to distinguish themselves from others by adopting traditional architecture in luxury residences. Balancing the desirability and accessibility of neo-traditional houses remains a difficult task for architects and policymakers worldwide.

The phenomenon of hanoks becoming a form of luxury does not itself represent a negative externality if new hanoks are part of a sustainable luxury with matching qualities that provide a sense of well-being and satisfaction among residents. To ensure that new hanoks become substantive, rather than purely representational, forms of luxury, policymakers should focus on the actual lived experiences of hanok residents instead of focusing only on the visual and aesthetic dimensions. Hanoks are not simply a cultural landscape to be gazed at, but also a space for everyday life. The use of advanced technologies, including ICT (Information Communication Technology), should be encouraged to improve user input. The problem of excessive tourism and the invasion of privacy can be addressed by identifying threshold patterns and applying different façade designs. Subtle design cues can indicate more private spaces that are off-limit for tourists. Simultaneously, providing detailed maintenance guidelines and advice for existing and prospective hanok residents is necessary to reduce the burden of maintenance.

This study has taken a sociological approach to understand the construction of hanoks as luxury residences. Limitations of the study include a limited set of interviews obtained and a relatively narrow socioeconomic group of hanok owners. As mentioned earlier, most residents whose interviews were published represented an elite group, with a higher socioeconomic status than average. Future research that includes more voices of those belonging to a median or lower income group is necessary to enhance the understanding of how hanoks are perceived by the larger public.

Further academic exploration in post-occupancy studies that specifically deal with sensory experiences and the development of threshold-specific design guidelines are necessary. Studies that identify frequent maintenance problems associated with recently built hanoks, and step-by-step processes to effectively address such problems, should be developed instead of making residents scrutinize and resolve the issues themselves. Only then will the desirability of the hanok remain the same for future generations.