Abstract
This article centers around the Anavatapta Lake. In East Asian pictorialization of worldview, Maps of Mt. Sumeru, which depict the mountain at the core of the world, are often paired with Maps of India, in which the Anavatapta Lake occupies a significant place. When the concept of the Anavatapta Lake was transmitted from India to China and Japan, it was understood through the lens of local cultures and ideologies, and the lake was envisioned as a site spatially connected to various places in China and Japan. As a result, the idea of the Indian lake located at the center of the human world helped China and Japan formulate their statuses and positions within the religious and geopolitical discourse of Buddhist cosmology. Through investigations of both pictorial and textual sources, this article explores the significance and place that the Anavatapta Lake occupied in East Asian religion and literature.
1. Introduction
In Buddhist cosmology, a large lake called the Anavatapta Lake (Ch. anouda 阿耨池, anoudada 阿耨達池; Jp. munecchi 無熱池) lies at the center of the continent Jambudvīpa, the southern of the Four Continents surrounding Mt. Sumeru. This cosmology was transmitted from India to East Asia along with Buddhism. The Anavatapta Lake occupies an important place in this cosmology because it is the source of all water and therefore crucial to all life. The lake is the sacred abode of a water deity dragon, Nāga, and rivers run from the lake in all the cardinal directions―to China in the east, to India in the south, to nomadic lands in the north, and to the Middle East and Europe in the west―bringing water to everywhere in Jambudvīpa. The significance of the lake derives from this myth, that the water from the lake nourishes all creatures in the world.
In the process of dissemination of Buddhist cosmology, the concept of the Anavatapta Lake was understood through the lens of local cultures and ideologies, and the lake was envisioned as a site spatially connected to various places in China and Japan. Premodern people in East Asia had access to a vast amount of sources that mention the Anavatapta Lake. This article examines such sources―a travel journal, Buddhist sutras, narratives, and visual images that describe and pictorialize the lake―and discusses how the imaginary lake was perceived in China and Japan while blending with local cultures and ideologies.
8. Conclusions
This article’s search for the Anavatapta Lake started with Xuanzang’s Xiyuji and ended with the Illustrated Life of Xuanzang. We have examined various references to the lake from Xiyuji to the Harvard scroll, to Buddhist sutras, to works of medieval literature such as Konjaku monogatari shū and Taiheiki, and to the Illustrated Life of Xuanzang. All of these sources have made it clearer how significant a place the lake occupied in the cosmology of Indian origin. It was a landmark deeply connected to the world of Mt. Sumeru, which was located at the center of the Asian worldview. While Mt. Sumeru provided a more imaginary and massive worldview, the Anavatapta Lake constituted a space at which imaginary and real geographies intersected with each other, as the lake was thought to, for instance, connect to the Yellow River in China.
In the process of transmission of Buddhism from India to East Asian counties, the idea of the Anavatapta Lake carried layers of meanings beyond its initial role as a sacred water source located in India. Buddhist cosmology placed India at the center of the world and at the top of the hierarchy of sacredness. The adoption of this cosmology in China or in Japan therefore caused tensions with their ideologies that placed China at the center of the world or that regarded Japan as a divinely protected sacred country. Against the backdrop of these tensions, the Anavatapta Lake played a crucial role in adapting and adopting Buddhist cosmology in China and Japan. In the localization of the concept of the lake, the sacred source of all water in the world became intricately associated, and sometimes believed to even be spatially connected, with places of cultural, religious, and ideological significance in China and Japan, such as China’s Yellow River or Japan’s Shinsen’en pond. These conceptual and spatial connections helped the reconciliation of the India-centered cosmology and the local ideologies in China and Japan, and reformulated political and cultural visions in East Asia.
Funding
This research was funded by the Beijing Social Science Foundation, grant number 14WYC058. I would like to extend my heartfelt gratitude to the Foundation for its generous support of my research project entitled “the Study of Collection of Tales of Times Now Past in East Asian Comparative Literature (Konjaku monogatari shū no Higashi Ajia hikaku kenkyū)”.
Acknowledgments
I thank the Harvard Art Museums for generous permission to use the images from their collection. I also thank Naoko Gunji for editing this article and translating it from Japanese to English, as well as for her feedback on the manuscript. I would furthermore like to express my gratitude to the anonymous referees for insightful comments and suggestions.
Conflicts of Interest
The author declares no conflict of interest.
Abbreviations
| T | SAT Daizōkyō Text Database (SAT大正新脩大蔵経テキストデータベース). 2018 version. Tokyo: University of Tokyo. http://21dzk.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/SAT/. |
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| 1 | The preface also covers the first-hand observation of the sites Xuanzang visited and the second-hand information he collected during his journey to Central Asia and India, and describes these places in relation to the Buddhist worldview. For previous scholarship on Mt. Sumeru, see (Komine 2011, pp. 45–55; Gao 2010, pp. 259–82; Gao 2012, pp. 263–84). |
| 2 | (Li 1996, p. 18). For the Fragrant Mountain (kōzan 香山), see (Maeda 2014, pp. 237–80; Araki 2015, p. 58). |
| 3 | The Harvard scroll was first introduced by Komine in his co-edited book, (Komine and Fujisawa 1991, pp. 2–25); also see (Komine 2011, pp. 49–52) in which Komine discusses the scroll in detail. Gao further investigated the scroll in comparison with a three-volume Ming publication entitled Fajie anli tu法界安立図 (Dharma Realm Diagrams; printed in 1584) and Sangai kuji no zu 三界九地之図 (Depiction of Three Realms and Nine Levels; ninth or tenth century) that was discovered in Dunhuang. (Gao 2010, pp. 259–82; Gao 2012, pp. 263–84). For the discussion of Gyōki map in the Harvard scroll, see (Murai 2014, pp. 45–83). |
| 4 | For instance, the earliest extant Map of India (dated to 1364) in the collection of Hōryūji and the Edo-period map titled Nansenbushū bankoku shōkanozu (1710) show a similar map. For these maps, see (Yakushiji 2015, pp. 37–39). |
| 5 | It is not clear what is the source of this abridged verse and the commentary. It is likely, however, that they are derived from a commentary of the Treasury of Abhidharma. |
| 6 | (Foshuo) Xingqixing jing (佛說)興起行經, T197, vol. 4, p. 163, c, l3.18. |
| 7 | Shizhu duanjie jing is also known as Zuisheng wen pusa shizhu chugou duanjie jing 最勝問菩薩十住除垢断結經, T309, vol. 10, p. 1011, a, 8.20. |
| 8 | An explanatory note to the final passage reads “is comparable to not to disgust against sentient being’s desire.” The description of the Anavatapta Lake in Xindiguan jing can be found in T159, vol. 3, p. 307, c, l.5. |
| 9 | There is a variation between the excerpt and the original text: while the inscription in the Harvard scroll says that the Sītā River measures three li, the original text says it measures seven li. See (Foshuo) Xingqixing jing, T197, vol. 4, p. 163, c, l3.18. |
| 10 | Dazhidulun, T1509, vol. 25, p. 114, a, 15.25. |
| 11 | Dafang guangfo huayan jing 大方広佛華厳經, T279, vol. 10, p. 208, c, l2.16. |
| 12 | Fozutongji 佛祖統紀, fascicle 32, T2035, vol. 49, p. 314, a, 2.8. |
| 13 | Da Piluzhena chengfo jing shu 大毘盧遮那成佛經疏, fascicle 15, T1796, vol. 39, p. 734, a, 22.25. |
| 14 | For instance, see the preface to Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮華經, T1718, vol. 34, p. 24, c, l8.20. |
| 15 | Foshuo chang ahan jing 佛說長阿含經, T1, vol. 1, p. 116, c, 05.18. |
| 16 | For instance, see Shengman baoku 勝鬘宝窟, fascicle middle, T1744, vol. 37, p. 43, a, 27.29. |
| 17 | Shisonglu 十誦律, fascicle 2, T1435, vol. 23, p. 346, a, 9.28. |
| 18 | (Wang et al. 1984, p. 146). |
| 19 | Ruyi baozhu zhuanlun mimi xianshen chengfo jinlun zhouwang jing 如意宝珠転輪秘密現身成佛金輪呪王經, fascicle 1, T961, vol. 19, p. 331, c, 6.8. |
| 20 | Dafang guangfo huayan jing 大方広佛華厳經, fascicle 27, T279, vol. 10, p. 222, b, l6.29; Shizhu jing 十住經, T286, vol. 10, p. 531, b, 26.28. |
| 21 | Dabaoji jing 大宝積經, fascicle 119, T310, vol. 11, p. 575, a, 8.10. |
| 22 | Foshuo huashou jing 佛說華手經, fascicle 7, T657, vol. 16, p. 182, c, 29.a05. |
| 23 | Foshuo zhufa yongwang jing 佛說諸法勇王經, T822, vol. 17, p. 848, b, 22.28. |
| 24 | Daban niepan jing 大般涅槃經, fascicle 23, T375, vol. 12, p. 755, c, 9.12. |
| 25 | Zhichan bingmi yaozhu 治禅病祕要法, fascicle 1, T620, vol. 15, p. 335, b, 3.18. |
| 26 | Dasheng baoyun jing 大乘宝雲經, fascicle 1, T659, vol. 16, p. 241, c, l0.11. |
| 27 | (Lü 2005, pp. 75–82; also see Lü 2015, p. 267). |
| 28 | (Lü 2005, p. 77; 2015, p. 267). As we have seen, a similar interpretation is also stated in the Harvard scroll. |
| 29 | In the Qing period (1644–1912), firsthand surveys of the river systems of the Yellow River led to the identification of Mt. Anavatapta (or Mt. Kunlun) with Mt. Kailash 岡底斯山, an actual mountain in Tibet. (Lü 2005, p. 77; 2015, pp. 268–70). |
| 30 | (Lü 2005, p. 78; 2015, p. 39). |
| 31 | (Wang et al. 1984, p. 112). |
| 32 | The same episode is compiled in a collection of didactic tales Chūkōsen 注好選 in the twelfth century. Sanpō-e, Chūkōsen 1997, p. 367. |
| 33 | (Dykstra 2014, p. 149); also see Konjaku monogatari shū 1999, p. 221. |
| 34 | In Kitano tsuya monogatari, the Buddhist monk Raii of Hino visits Kitano Shrine, and listens to a dialogue between a hermit, a courtier, and a Buddhist monk all night long. These dialogists narrate Indian, Chinese, and Japanese tales, with which they castigate the sovereign’s rulership in Japan in the middle of the civil war between the Northern and Southern Courts. |
| 35 | Konjaku monogatari shū 1999, p. 170; see also (Dykstra 2014, pp. 115–20). |
| 36 | (Varley 1980, p. 54). |
| 37 | Originally the collection was housed in the archives in the complex of the Buddhist temple Shōmyōji in Yokohama. For Gumonji kuketsu, see (Takahashi 1994, p. 275). |
| 38 | Gumonji kuketsu goes on to say that the monk Huiguo 恵果 (746–806), who transmitted esoteric Buddhist tradition to Kūkai at Qinglong Monastery in Chang’an in 805, has moved to Mt. Murō, and that whenever a Shingon master visits Mt. Murō, Huiguo welcomes him, whereas if an inexperienced practitioner visits there, he will be slaughtered by poisonous snakes and other creatures. (Takahashi 1994, p. 275). |
| 39 | Although the Dragon King Zennyo appears in Baoxidi chengfo tuoluo ni jing 宝悉地成佛陀羅尼經 translated by Amoghavajra (705–774), it appears more frequently in Japanese sources more frequently. We can assume that the name Zennyo was more familiar to Japanese people through a wide reception of the setsuwa literature. |
| 40 | See “Matter of the Garden of Divine Waters”, in (McCullough 2004, p. 374); Taiheiki 1960, pp. 420–24. Also see Konjaku monogatari shū 1993, p. 359; “How Master Kōbō Practiced the Cult of Shōukyō and Caused a Downpour”, in (Dykstra 1998, pp. 248–49). |
| 41 | (McCullough 1988, p. 227); also see Heike monogatari 1994, pp. 25–28. |
| 42 | The image of the Kunming Lake seems to have permeated among Japanese people. For instance, in the Illustrated Scroll of the Story of the Courtier Ban (Ban dainagon ekotoba), the lake is depicted on a free-standing panel behind a courtier in formal attire in the scene where the chancellor Fujiwara no Yoshifusa (804–872) makes a direct appeal to Emperor Seiwa (850–881; r. 858–876) that the minister of the left, Minamoto no Makoto, is innocent of having set fire to the Ōten-mon gate. Ban dainagon ekotoba (Komatsu 1975, pp. 28–29). |
| 43 | Taiheiki 1960, pp. 144–146. |
| 44 | (Gasho Translation Committee 1999, p. 302). |
| 45 | (Dykstra 2014, pp. 67–68). |
| 46 | (Gao 2017, pp. 21–36). |
| 47 | Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sutra is a Sanskrit name of the Lotus Sutra. Translation is from (Murano 2000, p. 81). |
| 48 | For the Illustrated Biography of Xuanzang, see (Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2011, p. 91). |
| 49 | Nihon shoki 1965, pp. 198, 330, 336, 343. |
| 50 | It is now preserved in the Asuka Historical Museum, along with a reconstructed model. |
| 51 | (Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan 2011, p. 91). |
| 52 | (Li 1995, p. 93). The scroll text that accompanies the illustration in the Illustrated Life of Xuanzang is almost identical. In addition, a similar account is recorded in “the Country of Magadha” of the ninth fascicle of Xuanzang’s Record of the Western Regions. (Li 1996, p. 281). |
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