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10 February 2023

The Process Theology of John Elof Boodin

UAB Libraries, University of Alabama at Birmingham, Birmingham, AL 35294, USA
This article belongs to the Special Issue New Voices in Philosophical Theology

Abstract

Despite his impeccable academic pedigree, a protégé of Josiah Royce and a friend and student of William James, John Elof Boodin is nearly forgotten today among American philosophers; hence, an essential aspect of his thought lost to history is his contribution to process theology. The leading features of process thought demonstrate Boodin’s connections to this unique theology and show it to have been established early on, as early as 1900 and 1904. This places Boodin’s writing on process philosophy/theology well before Alfred North Whitehead, the putative pioneer in modern process metaphysics, by more than twenty years, and co-extensive with Henri Bergson, who influenced Whitehead. Nevertheless, when Boodin is discussed today, it is usually as an early pragmatist rather than as a process philosopher. The central claim of this essay argues that Boodin is best understood as a pragmatically influenced process theist, one of the first in a modern context. This historiographical revision will permit a better portrayal of process thought by revealing a more nuanced and pluralistic theological landscape beyond the standard Bergsonian/Whiteheadian/Hartshornian triumvirate.

1. Introduction

When process philosophy and its theological companion are thought of today, two names come immediately to mind: Alfred North Whitehead (1861–1947) and Charles Hartshorne (1897–2000). This essay will introduce a “new” and relatively unfamiliar figure into the panoply of process thought, John Elof Boodin (1869–1950). The warrant for this inclusion involves a four-fold process: first, a brief biographical sketch of Boodin will place him in historical context; second, seven key features of process theology will be given; third, Boodin’s connections to them will be firmly established; and finally, his place in process historiography will be discussed. This last piece is probably the most interesting and controversial since Henri Bergson (1859–1941) is often regarded as the first to present a version of modern process thought. This requires a careful and nuanced response that will conclude with some of the implications for current process theology.

2. Who Was John Elof Boodin?

Only the essentials of Boodin’s life can be given here. He was born on September 14, 1869, to farming parents in the rural Swedish parish of Pjetteryd. Boodin’s life started with a bright academic future. After attending several schools there and impressing all his instructors, he eventually traveled on steerage to New York with his older sister Blenda and made his way to Clochester in west central Illinois in the summer of 1887 (Nelson 1987, p. 33). By 1890 he was one of nearly 800,000 Swedish Americans residing mostly in the Midwest.
Seven years later, his scholarly acumen led him to Harvard. Boodin’s Harvard years were definitive in shaping his later development. He received his Ph.D. under famed idealist philosopher Josiah Royce (1855–1916) and became influenced by his teacher and friend, the pragmatist William James (1842–1910). Although he adopted a Jamesian pragmatist perspective, he admitted he owed more to Royce than any other philosopher (Nelson 1987, p. 42). Royce’s idealist Absolute combined with James’s relationally focused radical empiricism to blend with the confessional Lutheranism of his youth, making Boodin well-inclined to climb the process steps toward God. If those devoted Lutheran pastors and Royce set Boodin’s eyes heavenward, the difficulties of eking out a living in the stony and stark Småland district of his childhood kept him firmly grounded in the pragmatism of experience. This carried through to the academy. He took his first position at Grinnell College in Iowa, spent nine years at the University of Kansas, and after conflicts with the administration there, spent 1912 to 1913 in “exile” in Cambridge, Massachusetts before securing a position in the fall of 1913 at Carleton College; finally, in 1923 he was invited as a guest lecturer at what was then known as the Southern Branch of the University of California (now UCLA). The “visiting” professor never left this rapidly growing school. After a long and fruitful career, he retired in 1939 but remained professionally active almost to the end of his life. He suffered a devastating stroke on 14 November 1950.
Boodin had a prolific scholarly output. He published eight books and nearly sixty peer-reviewed articles, plus a volume of posthumous papers compiled in 1957. Boodin’s theology is presented in three books: Three Interpretations of the Universe (1934), God: A Cosmic Philosophy of Religion (1934), and Religion of Tomorrow (1943). However, his process theology was in evidence well before these, starting with “The Reality of the Ideal With Special Reference to the Religious Ideal” (1900) and Time and Reality (1904), the latter a published version of his dissertation submitted in 1899, and a host of publications that continued throughout his life.1 Boodin amassed an impressive résumé as president of the Western Philosophical Association, an invited lecturer at the Aristotelian Society of London, the University of London, the Psychological Society at Cambridge, the Philosophical Society of Oxford, and elected a permanent member of the prestigious International Congress of Philosophy. However, by the 1960s, the philosophical world had largely passed him by. One spokesman for his generation dismissed Boodin’s ideas as “vague and unwarranted” (Reck 1967, p. 346).
The reasons for Boodin’s obscurity are complex. Although his potentially strongest allies could be found among the small but growing body of process thinkers following Whitehead, he was located far from Whitehead’s Harvard and Hartshorne’s School of Divinity at the University of Chicago, both of whom surrounded themselves with devoted graduate students—apostles to the process cause. In contrast, Boodin had no intellectual offspring; his fledgling UCLA philosophy department did not graduate its first Ph.D. student until 1942, three years after Boodin’s retirement. Although Boodin did have the opportunity to teach at the graduate level, during his tenure, it only offered the master’s degree. It was Hans Reichenbach (1891–1953), who had already established himself as an important philosopher of science in Germany, that put UCLA on the map of significant American philosophical institutions when he, fleeing from Nazi persecution, settled in Los Angeles in 1938 (one year before Boodin’s retirement). At UCLA, great twentieth-century American philosophers, including C. G. “Peter” Hempel, Wesley Salmon, and Hilary Putnam, all bore the Reichenbach/UCLA stamp. Until then, to be a philosopher in the City of Angels was to be in academic isolation. It is unfortunate that in academia, demography can often make or break reputations more readily than ideas. For Boodin, that certainly seems to be at least partially the case.
However, other factors were involved. Boodin’s emphasis on metaphysics also came at a time when American philosophy was taking a linguistic turn away from such grand theorizing and was becoming dominated by reductionist philosophies of materialism and physicalism. Boodin fought an unpopular battle against these isms, leaving him marginalized and neglected. This prejudice persists, as when he is unfavorably compared to Roy Wood Sellars’s critical realism and chided for distancing himself from pragmatism in favor of his own functional realism (Neuber 2019). It is said that Boodin got “lost in the isms,” but this is based on a skewed reading of Boodin; it is rather Sellars who got lost in his own “isms” of reductionist critical realism and its attendant brain-state materialism, an argument I elaborate upon in chapter six of my forthcoming book, America’s Forgotten Poet-Philosopher: the Thought of John Elof Boodin in His Time and Ours (Albany: SUNY Press). Finally, it did not help when Hartshorne said of him, “John Boodin in California wrote well and thought well, up to a point. He paid (I understand) to have his works reprinted on extra durable paper. The paper doubtless survives; but the thoughts, although sensible and, in my opinion, vaguely right, are not sharp enough, original enough, or logically coherent enough to last as long as the paper” (Hartshorne 1990, p. 334). Whether this assessment should stand or be ascribed to self-serving sarcasm remains an important focus of this essay.

4. Boodin, Bergson, and the Early Historiography of Process Theism

It will be noted that in the previous section, Boodin’s earliest writings have been emphasized. It is clear that by the time of Whitehead’s Process and Reality, the Swedish-American’s process thought had been well developed in its metaphysical and sociological aspects. In fact, it may be said that the entrance of Alfred North Whitehead into process philosophy with its theistic implications at least as early as his Lowell Lectures of 1925 (published as Science and the Modern World) but certainly with his Lowell Lectures a year later (published as Religion in the Making) marks the beginning of a mature process theism that awaited Charles Hartshorne for fuller development.
This pre-Whitehead period includes one dominant figure, Henri Bergson. Such a historiographical model would see Bergson as a bridge between the early and mature periods, with Whitehead making the decisive difference. Here, Bergson becomes a significant figure for Boodin within this context of early process thought and deserves extended examination because Daniel Dombrowski, a Hartshornian philosopher, believes that Bergson ranks with Whitehead and Hartshorne as three process theists that “stand head and shoulders above the rest” in the period characterizing the development of modern process thought through the mid-twentieth century (Dombrowski 2016, p. 191). Dombrowski makes his case for Bergson by predominantly citing Le Deux Sources de la Morale et de la Religion (1932), later translated into English as The Two Sources of Morality and Religion in 1977. Only twice is Bergson’s L’Évolution créatrice (1907) mentioned. The God of The Two Sources is love and the object of love (Bergson and Carter [1935] 1963, p. 240), a much more clearly delineated deity that postdates even Whitehead. However, two Bergsons need not be seen here. As Jesuit priest Thomas N. Hart has convincingly argued, “Bergson’s Two Sources, separated by 25 years from his earlier works though it is, and concerned with apparently quite different questions, is altogether of a piece with all his previous thought and brings it to completion” (Hart 1968, p. 333). The key question is this: is a process God clearly in evidence in Bergson’s work at any stage?
God, for Bergson, is an expression indicating time as moving toward and for life, without transcendent power and not a leading direction but rather “a vis a tergo” (a force acting from behind), in no sense a telos. In fact, Bergson’s élan vital “is essentially finite because it is unable to overcome its limitation” (Miquel 2007, p. 51). Bergson himself establishes this point very clearly:
It must not be forgotten that the force which is evolving throughout the organized world is a limited force, which is always seeking to transcend itself and always remains inadequate to the work it would fain produce. The error and puerilities of radical finalism [teleology] are due to the misapprehension of this point.
(Bergson [1911] 1998, p. 126)
However, there is more. Bergson’s own analysis of life leads to the conclusion that life is finite, dependent on matter and that the “limitation of life comes from life itself, which is nothing but an immanent natural force [more vague, impersonal, and pantheistic than Boodin’s cosmic immanence]. Also, if the ‘élan vital’ is a psychological force, if this force is God as ‘unceasing life, action, freedom,’ as an immanent cause present in nature, then this means that God is material!” (Miquel 20).6 A deity bereft of purpose, locked in its own material prison, that does not lead but acts only behind its prison walls is surely nothing resembling either a neo-classical or a process God.
Actually, Boodin gives Bergson a similar materialist reading, but not without acknowledging certain sympathies. Boodin praised him for his contribution to understanding time. “Bergson,” he said, “deserves credit for breaking away from the mathematical method of picturing our mental life. The durations of our mental processes are not determined by the clock” (Boodin 1943a, p. 714). Bergson had declared as much in 1889 with his Essai sur les donnés immédiates de la conscience (translated as Time and Free Will: An Essay on the Immediate Data of Consciousness in 1910), and Boodin added his process-based understanding of time with Time and Reality (1904). Both agreed that time was not a matter of being and structured stability and permanence but of becoming, flux, change, and the unfolding of creative novelty. Boodin also sided with Bergson in his distrust of the linguistic turn in the direction that analytic philosophy was heading. Bergson’s experiential sense of time resonated with Boodin. Finally, both may be seen as waging a relentless campaign against determinism in all its forms. The essential nature of process thought can be seen in all these attitudes.
Exactly how these are expressed in theistic terms is another matter, however, and here is where the differences between Bergson and Boodin become pronounced. Put another way (and for our historiographical analysis here), it can be said that Bergson may be considered the first modern process philosopher, but where does he stand as an early process theist? That he was a theist seems acceptable, but in at least two areas, his theism must be seen as sui generis. His affinities with Whitehead notwithstanding, Bergson’s inability to deal constructively with intuition in terms of personhood, and secondly, his failure to meaningfully distinguish God from the world are at once interrelated problems flanking Bergson’s religion qua process theology.
These two nagging issues with Bergson have rather ironically been best pointed out by Catholic analysts (ironic because Bergson became sympathetic to Catholicism late in life). For one thing, Bergson views “freedom not as the rational determination of a human act but as the spontaneous bursting forth of vital energy from the depths of the self, a creative but nonrational [not irrational] act expressive of the total personality”; second, although God is described as Love and Creative energy the “relationship to the élan vital is never clearly defined, the distinction between God and creatures remains blurred” (Gallagher 2003, p. 297). The first problem, it might be argued, is related to Bergson’s inclination towards pantheism. Bergson said different things at different times on this issue, sometimes seemingly embracing it and at other times emphatically rejecting it. Nevertheless, overall, even Hart’s careful and sympathetic account comes down on the side of Bergson’s pantheism (Hart 1968, p. 363). Pottinger’s detailed analysis of Bergson’s religion concludes unequivocally that he fails to make “any intelligible distinction between Creator and creation,” pointing out that Catholic philosopher Jacques Maritain, Jesuit priest Joseph de Tonquédec, Brazilian priest Maurillo T. L. Penido, and philosopher J. Alexander Gunn all agree with this assessment (Pottinger 1969, p. 347). Pottinger goes even further, stating that Bergson’s “God” in Creative Evolution is not even the God of theism since he fails to provide a much-needed distinction between creator and creation and posits only an impersonal God that is not enhanced in any of his subsequent work including The Two Sources because Bergson “does not really explore the idea of personal experience” (Pottinger 1969, p. 348). In fact, “Bergson’s own development of the idea of intuition never goes beyond the biological level. His intuition is the intuition of life, which means growth and continuous creativity, but not the intuition of fully personal being. Bergson’s ‘self’ is the self-in-the-world, and not the self-among-other selves” (Pottinger 1969, p. 349).7
More recently, Leung thinks that Bergson’s metaphysics may be regarded as panenthic, citing Bergson’s insistence that his élan vital is clearly not God (Leung 2020). Instead, Clare Carlisle’s reading of Spinoza as a panentheist is adopted to argue for a similar panenthic reading of Bergson as “being-in-God”. Leung agrees with J. Alexander Gunn’s early interpretation of Bergson that he is not a pantheist “because, for him, the Deity is immanent in nature, not identifiable with it” (Gunn 1920). However, that by no means eliminates Bergson’s problematic conception of God since “for him [Bergson], God would seem to be merely a focus imaginarius of Life and Spirit, a ‘hypostatization’ of la durée. He cannot be regarded as the loving Father of the human race whom He has begotten or created” and “Bergson does not offer us a God, personal, loving, and redemptive, as the Christian religious consciousness demands or imagines. He does not, and can not, affirm Christian Theism, for he considers that the facts do not warrant the positing of a self-conscious and personal Individual in the only sense in which we, from our experience, can understand these words.” We must ask if such a view comports not only with a Christian view of God but with a process view of God. For our purposes here, Leung’s argument for Bergson’s panentheism, while interesting, does little to establish his role as a process theist.
Pottinger may go too far in suggesting that Bergson’s God is not even genuine theism, but such issues do not arise with Boodin. Boodin’s God is clearly panenthic, eminently socially and personally connected to humanity, and teleological. Thus, Boodin took many opportunities to criticize Bergson, believing that the Frenchman’s vitalism—if it can be called “vitalism”—explained nothing, being itself merely a form of emergent materialism (Boodin 1912, p. 10; Boodin 1913c, p. 82; Boodin 1916, pp. 259–60; Boodin 1934a, pp. 60–61; Boodin 1934c, pp. 204–5). For Boodin, Bergson’s vis a tergo anticipates Miquel’s criticism nearly a century later; it is “blind” and in no sense teleological, incapable of providing direction and meaning to the processes of flux and change. Furthermore, if Boodin’s charge of emergent materialism seems counter to Bergson’s entire corpus of thought, it remains a serious consideration among scholars today. For example, Alicia Juarrero, professor emerita of philosophy at Prince George’s Community College (MD), and Anne Fagot-Largeau, a member of the French Academy of Sciences of the Institut de France, agree with Boodin that Bergson is essentially an emergent materialist. Juarrero writes, “The emergent materialism of old such as Bergson’s inevitably ended up appealing to élan vital or other such dues ex machina device because it lacked a way to naturalize the variety of nonefficient causality required for this kind of emergence” (Juarrero 2018, p. 200).8
The historiographical question is not whether or not one agrees with them (that can be settled separately); the issue is historiographically much broader, namely, is Bergson a “head and shoulders above the rest” process theist, as Dombrowski proposes? This statement seems untested. Bergson’s religion appears too haunted by the specter of pantheism and, even if panenthic, too incapable of relating the cosmic realities of flux and change to creative novelty in a distinctly personal way. In distinction to Bergson, Boodin does not call upon a biologized “religion of nature” found in intuition and mysticism; instead, he seeks inspiration “in the upper reaches that the meaning and goal of the universe, the genius of divine creativeness, is foreshadowed… We cannot worship the whole of things as a mere collection. We must discern and feel the Genius of the whole. There must be ideal direction and synthesis” (Boodin 1925, p. 467). There is direction and synthesis for Bergson, too, though it lurks rather than lures in a dualism of intellect and intuition that finds love in “divine energy” that never seems to fully grasp the personal qualities of God-to-object and object-to-God agape love. In Bergson’s view, God’s connection to humanity is through a “dynamic religion” mediated by mystics “communicated in its entirety to [these] exceptional men” (Bergson and Carter [1935] 1963, p. 223). Love is described by Bergson, not in terms of recognizable personal characteristics as Paul does in 1 Corinthians 13:4–8, but as an “essence,” a “mystical experience” conveyed by mystics themselves (Bergson and Carter [1935] 1963, p. 243). Precisely how this fits into a theological context of process thought warrants further discussion elsewhere. Clearly, this is not Boodin’s “impartial and sympathetic Spectator and Coöperator” demanding an inherently personal deity. Boodin’s God is distinct yet related to the whole, as he explained many times (Boodin 1900, p. 107; Boodin [1911] 2001, p. 322; Boodin 1925, p. 267; Boodin 1934a, pp. 13, 22, 34, 69–70; Boodin 1943b, pp. 39, 64,65). Moreover, the answer is not specially reserved for the mystics (Boodin 1934a, p. 150). Thus, we can agree with Hart that Bergson’s theology is all “of a piece” and, moreover, with Pottinger that the anticipated solution to Bergson’s theistic problems outlined by Gunn remains unsolved in Two Sources (Pottinger 1969, p. 348).
The historiography of process theology deserves more comparative analysis. Dombrowski’s ranking of Bergson with Whitehead and Hartshorne in a grand triumvirate of twentieth-century process theology seems an unwarranted special pleading ill-suited to the more complex intellectual terrain of early process theology.

5. Conclusions

In light of this analysis, Hartshorne’s curt and sarcastic dismissal of Boodin that opened this essay seems unwarranted, even presumptuous. Dombrowski is to be credited for opening the historiographical landscape to important early contributors to process theism, such as Faustus Socinus, Friedrich von Schelling, and others. He also convincingly suggests contributions to process theism among later figures such as Charles Sanders Peirce, Nicholas Berdyaev, Mohammed Iqbal, Martin Buber, and Teilhard de Chardin. However, for Dombrowski, these are all lesser lights compared to Bergson, Whitehead, and Hartshorne. If Whitehead and Hartshorne set the terms of modern process theism—and they should—it is less apparent that Bergson belongs among these luminaries because, at the very least, process theism needs to show how God relates to the world in personal experiential ways that are meaningful. Here, Bergson’s theism raises questions. This is not to suggest that Bergson should be written out of the historiography of process theology, only that Bergson’s theism needs further discussion with other considerations. A strong candidate has been suggested in John Elof Boodin. Process theists should welcome the opportunity to broaden their horizons and, thus, open the field up to new possibilities and new creativities. Whether Dombrowski’s historiographical triumvirate of process theism needs revision, expansion to a quadrumvirate, or something else is a conversation worth having.
Whitehead himself admitted his was a “speculative scheme” that he never regarded as finished. “In philosophical discussion,” he wrote, “the merest hint of dogmatic certainty as to finality of statement is an exhibition of folly” (Whitehead 1978, p. xiv). He added, “The study of philosophy is a voyage towards larger generalities” (Whitehead 1978, p. 10). This is true not only for philosophy but for its historiography as well since it sets the parameters of dialogue and conversation. Hopefully, this essay has launched a voyage that is just a little larger than when it began, and it should be a more interesting one with Boodin aboard.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflict of interest.

Notes

1
Boodin’s publication chronology can be misleading because significant portions of his monographs appeared much earlier in a variety of peer-reviewed journals. For our purposes, the most pertinent are the following: Chapter XVII of Truth and Reality (1911) was originally published as “The Reality of Religious Ideals,” The Harvard Theological Review (Jan. 1909), representing a substantially revised version of “The Reality of the Ideal with Special Reference to the Religious Ideal,” The Unit (Iowa College) (1900); chapter I of A Realistic Universe (1916, rev. ed. 1913) first appeared as “The Divine Five-Fold Truth,” The Monist (Apr. 1911), and chapter XVIII of that same volume was originally published as “The Reinstatement of Teleology,” The Harvard Theological Review (Jan. 1913); the Introduction in The Religion of Tomorrow (1943) originally appeared as “The Function of Religion,” The Biblical World (Aug. 1915). Boodin’s work on social minds appeared as chapter XI in A Realistic Universe (1916) first as “Individual and Social Minds,“ The Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific Methods (Mar. 27, 1913); chapter IV of The Social Mind (1939) first appeared as “The Existence of Social Minds,” American Journal of Philosophy (Jul. 1913); and finally, chapter XV of The Social Mind first appeared as “Social Immortality,” International Journal of Ethics (Jan. 1915). In order to emphasize Boodin’s priority, I have elected to reference each of these in their respective journal forms, although in some cases, direct citation of later publications has been unavoidable, appearing nowhere else in Boodin’s writings. In all cases, complete citations can be found in the references.
2
Whitehead’s Process and Reality first appeared as a series of Gifford Lectures at the University of Edinburgh in 1927–28. For purposes here, however, the “corrected edition” is cited (see References). Similarly, Religion in the Making was first published by Macmillan in 1926 (originally delivered as Lowell Lectures), but the new edition of 1996 with Judith Jones’s introduction and Randall Auxier’s glossary is cited.
3
Whom is a perfectly legitimate pronoun to use in reference to God since for the process theist deity is not an abstract thing or entity but essentially personal. This point was well established by the process-inclined personalist philosopher Edgar Sheffield Brightman (1884–1953) in The Problem of God (1930), a book that caught the attention of Charles Hartshorne and launched a lengthy correspondence. Nevertheless, pronouns referencing God should be used with caution. Process feminists have well pointed out the folly of using masculine pronouns “He,” “His, “Him” for God. Boodin’s and others’ use of these masculine forms must be ascribed to the socio-cultural times in which they were written.
4
Dorrien also sides with Drew University’s Catherine Keller on this question, who argues in her On the Mystery: Discerning Divinity in Process (2008) that panentheism is undoubtedly the mainstream process interpretation. Conner insists in his note (Conner 2009, p. 179) that “Keller and Dorrien are both eminent interpreters of process theology, and yet neither hesitates to ascribe panentheism to process theology categorically. This in my view is a serious error.” However, Conner’s is the more egregious mistake because its only reasonable alternative—pantheism—robs God of all personhood (see note 3). While Hartshorne is clearer on this than Whitehead, Cobb and Slettom are right when they conclude that although the Whiteheadian God is technically not a person per se, “Yet much of what believers have in mind when they ask whether God is a person is present in God for Whitehead as well” (Cobb and Slettom [2003] 2020, p. 14). A Creator indistinguishable from creation loses meaningful personality.
5
Boodin’s social theology captured an essential truth, but unfortunately missed God’s communitarian nature by neglecting Bracken’s trinitarian emphasis. In fact, at one point, Boodin referred to the trinity as a “confused and antiquated concept” (Boodin 1943b, p. 76). One wonders what “past” Boodin thought he was “fulfilling” in such a cavalier dismissal of this longstanding tenet of Christian belief. Given his attitude toward the Trinity, Boodin was ill-equipped to discover Bracken’s key contribution toward understanding the corporate reality of God in unity with what Boodin called “social minds”.
6
Miquel does not simply equate élan vital with psychology. He understands that Bergson’s is a metaphysics of duration; it is more than our consciousness but part of our becoming and, therefore, part of a larger cosmic property in which duration is a part, including élan vital. See Paul-Antoine Miquel. 2022. “Duration and Becoming in Bergson’s Metaphysics.” De Gruyter. Open Access: https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110753707-008. Accessed on 7 January 2022.
7
Pottinger’s dissertation is the most extensive treatment of Bergson’s religion. It has not become a part of the secondary literature on Bergsonian philosophy because it has not been readily available until relatively recently, not being digitized by the Edinburgh Research Archive until 22 May 2018. Nevertheless, Pottinger’s analysis is detailed and thorough, deserving more attention than it has thus far received.
8
It should be noted that Boodin considered C. Lloyd Morgan (1852–1936) and Samuel Alexander (1859–1938), like Bergson, to whom they acknowledged their debt, emergent materialists. Morgan invoked God only for heuristic purposes and Alexander was a committed physicalist.

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