From Courtesan to Wŏn Buddhist Teacher: The Life of Yi Ch’ŏngch’un

Abstract

This study examines the life of Yi Ch’ŏngch’un 李靑春 (1886–1955), one of the first female disciples of Wŏn Buddhism, a 20th-century Korean religious movement. Her story shows modernity’s impact on Korean women’s psyche and social roles, and the progressive initiative of male teachers who advanced gender equality in new Korean religious movements. A range of data, including periodicals, letters, and newspaper articles, enable us to understand the changing face of women during the process of modernization in Korea. This paper gives voice to the significant role of Yi Ch’ŏngch’un, an exceptional financial sponsor in the formative years of Wŏn Buddhism and an advocate for women’s rights. By highlighting her contributions, it becomes clear that the progressive males who pushed for gender equality relied on the support of female-ordained devotees to actualize the doctrine’s ideal.

1. Introduction

This study explores the life of a Wŏn Buddhist female disciple, Yi Ch’ŏngch’un 李靑春 (1886–1955), who lived during a period of historical transition in Korea. Although female-ordained devotees played a pivotal role in the formative years of Wŏn Buddhism, less attention has been paid to their stories and how religious teachings and practices transformed their lives, thereby influencing the larger community. The topic of women in Wŏn Buddhism has been studied to some extent by Korean scholars in the past. However, no English literature exists on Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s spiritual experiences and public work. In this study, I will examine the period in which Wŏn Buddhism emerged and ask to what extent modernity paved a new way for women to embark on an uncharted spiritual path.

This study seeks to focus on Yi Ch’ŏngch’un because of her unique and controversial background before joining the Wŏn Buddhist order. Her early years as a courtesan allowed her to gain economic independence and little regard for societal restraints, unlike other women of that period who were confined to the domestic sphere. In addition, the courtesan status afforded her a vantage point from which to observe and contemplate life, and this sustained introspection would lay the foundation for her eventual spiritual transformation.

Examining Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s life provides us with a clearer understanding of the centrality of gender equality in Wŏn Buddhism. In its early scriptural text,1 it made “Equal Rights for Men and Women” (namnyŏ kwŏlli tongil 男女權利同一) the first of its “Four Essential” teachings (Paik 2017, p. 186). Sot’aesan believed social equality required people to cultivate self-power to fulfill their human duties and responsibilities. In the late Chosŏn dynasty, women had no right to inherit property, were denied basic rights of social intercourse, and could not receive a formal education. Sot’aesan believed that women should receive an education to enable them to engage effectively in society and not depend on their parents, spouse, or children.2 Therefore, Sot’aesan provided summer and winter retreats, which required male and female practitioners to reside in the community and undertake intensive training. After joining the Wŏn Buddhist order, Yi Ch’ŏngch’un attended all of the retreats and experienced significant transformations that even awarded her first place in seated meditation.

We can ask the following questions: which aspects of Wŏn Buddhism made it possible for a courtesan to join a religious community and attain full ordination? How did Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s journey alter the perceptions of women’s roles in Buddhism? Unfortunately, the scarcity of resources surrounding her life makes it challenging to flesh out her whole life story. Fortunately, some information on her background has been chronicled in historical records, essays, and newspaper articles, providing facts and personal accounts of her experiences as she began a new chapter in her life. The existing resources uplift her contributions and make clear that her legacy in Wŏn Buddhism cannot be ignored. This study will demonstrate that Yi Chŏngch’un faced challenges prevalent for women during that time and that her yearning for independence coincided with the emergence of Buddhist reform movements. The historical context that explains the shifting face of Buddhism and how societal changes influenced the rise of women in Wŏn Buddhism will be discussed. Most religious leaders were still men, but some vehemently advocated for reforming the religious role of women and developing new systems to pave the way for female leadership. One such leader was the founder of Wŏn Buddhism, Pak Chungbin 朴重彬 (1891–1943), who later became known by his cognomen as, Sot’aesan 少太山. The events leading up to Yi Chŏngch’un’s conversion to a Wŏn Buddhist-ordained devotee will also be explored and how Wŏn Buddhism’s encounter with modernity prompted this pivot.

2. Historical Background

Wŏn Buddhism, first named Pulpŏp Yŏn’guhoe (The Society for the Study of the Buddhadharma 佛法硏究會), emerged under the turbulent Japanese occupation (1910–1945) at a time of transition between the late Chosŏn period and the early 20th century. Previously known as the hermit kingdom, Korea opened its doors to foreign influence. It introduced and spread Catholicism, Western learning, scientific technology, and the Western political and economic system in the middle of the nineteenth century. This new perspective on the world resulted in a tremendous desire, on the part of Korean Buddhists, to overturn the persecution of Buddhism3 during the Chosŏn Dynasty. Wŏn Buddhism grew out of the movement to reform and renovate Buddhism for the contemporary secular world. In 1920, the founder, Sot’aesan, drafted the Chosŏn Pulgyo hyŏksin non 朝鮮佛敎革新論 (Treatise on the Reformation of Chosŏn Buddhism), which was published in 1935. The themes in the Chosŏn Pulgyo hyŏksin non focused on reforms to make Buddhism accessible and relevant to the masses.

Buddhism became a religion for a few when it was ill-treated and persecuted [during the Chosŏn dynasty]. The doctrine and system of traditional Buddhism were mainly structured for the monastic livelihood of the Buddhist monks who abandoned their secular lifestyle, and hence, were unsuitable for those people living in the secular world. Although there were faithful lay devotees in the secular world, they could not become central in their roles and status, only secondary. Accordingly, the lay devotee could not stand in the lineage of the direct disciples of the Buddha or become an ancestor of Buddhism easily except for those who made unusual material contributions or attained extraordinary spiritual cultivations. How can this doctrine and system be beneficial for the majority of ordinary people?

(Park 1997, p. 297)

Korea during this period was plagued with internal corruption and the persistent inroads made by foreign powers against the impotent Chosŏn court. The common people, especially peasants, suffered from the oppression, plundering, exploitation, and extortion carried out by the aristocratic class and the wealthy local families. Around this time, new religious movements, such as Tonghak 東學 and Chŭngsan’gyo 甑山敎4, gained popularity with the common people for their emphasis on establishing an egalitarian Korean society. Indigenous Korean religions called this transitional period: “Closing the earlier heaven and opening a later heaven” (Chung 2003, p. 6). The era of the earlier heaven (sŏnch’ŏn 先天) was characterized by extreme absurdity, immaturity, strong exploiting the weak, a life of dependence, an authoritative father and men, separation and division, inequality, and injustice. In contrast, the era of the later heaven (huch’ŏn 後天) was characterized by the cooperation of the strong and the weak, peace, self-sufficiency, rationality, equality, justice, advancements in scientific civilization, and prosperity (Baker 2019, p. 299). These indigenous Korean religions called for an ushering of a Great Transformation (kaebyŏk 開闢), an age when the earlier heaven (the waning period of the Chosŏn dynasty) would be replaced with the later heaven to establish a genuinely civilized and enlightened world.

The changing role of women would also reflect the shift from an ‘earlier heaven’ to an opening of a ‘later heaven.’ Gender equality was essential for developing a civilized society. Under the Confucian social ethos of the Chosŏn society, women’s roles in the upper and middle classes were primarily confined to the domestic sphere, whereas men were expected to take on more public duties. Women received only an informal education at home and were required to observe the Confucian virtues of diligence, filial piety, and chastity. A Great Transformation would be necessary for the power dynamic between men and women to shift to one of mutual support and cooperation (Baker and Heo 2018, p. 45).

The early 20th century saw the beginning of a growing movement among women demanding reform. As a result, women’s magazines increased, and the term ‘New Woman’ (sinyŏsŏng) gained popularity. According to Park (2005), the ideal image of a woman offered by New Women highlighted the concept of a woman’s freedom in contrast to the conventional notion of a Korean woman as a mother and wife. Several Korean women’s magazines, including Kajŏng chapchi (Home Journal), Yŏja chinam (Women’s Guide), and Chasŏn puinhoe chapchi (Journal of Women’s Society for Charity), were periodicals concerned with various issues such as the patriotic enlightenment movement, women’s rights, gender equality, health, childrearing, and education (Choi 2020, p. 46). These publications for women shed light on how Korean women formed a new gender identity in the early twentieth century.

“Respectable women,” however, were not the only ones to publish during the colonial period and advocate in the public sphere. A turning point for women from outcast or enslaved families trained as kisaengs (妓生, courtesan)5 began with the onset of the March First Independence movement of 1919, which relaxed Japanese rule. In turn, printed media flourished in the 1920s. Kisaengs defied traditional standards by entering the public sphere and establishing their journal titled, Changhan 長恨 (Long Suffering), written and published by kisaeng themselves, but not discovered until 2005 (Lee 2010, p. 90). The primary works focus on the oppression they suffered at the hands of both the Koreans and the Japanese, as well as their fervent desire to be acknowledged as equal human beings. One of the voices among kisaengs of that period would be Yi Hwach’un 李化春, as she was known before receiving the Wŏn Buddhist Dharma name, Yi Chŏngch’un.

3. The Life of Yi Chŏngchun

Yi Chŏngch’un 李靑春 was born on 26 March 1886, the youngest of three daughters in Chŏnju, located in the southwest region of Korea. She was a vivid and affectionate child, but losing her father at a young age led to a turbulent and unstable childhood (Wŏnbulgyo Pŏphunnok 1999, p. 142). Living in underprivileged conditions led her to the kisaeng life. Yi Chŏngch’un’s years as a kisaeng are undocumented, which is reasonable given the overwhelming silence surrounding the kisaeng in Korea’s official histories (Kim 1976, p. 144). Extant historical documents often lament her early ‘disgraceful’ kisaeng life. However, it is argued later that her kisaeng years were crucial in shaping her life philosophy and preparing her for leadership in Wŏn Buddhism.

Kisaengs rose to prominence during the Koryŏ dynasty and were first mentioned in the early 11th century (Hwang 1997, p. 449). If we examine the history of the kisaeng, we discover they were highly esteemed for their skilled needlework and music skills among others, and their encounters with men were unencumbered by the restrictions placed on other women of that period. Although kisaengs did not enjoy complete freedom or equality, they were not confined to the home or subject to strict behavioral expectations (Maynes 2012, p. 3). Instead, they were government-sanctioned entertainers who served the yangban (gentry) and kings.

Starting in the Chosŏn period, however, with the rise of dominant Korean Confucian ideals, the view of this profession grew dim. The social and political unrest of the late Chosŏn period led to its demise in 1897 and the establishment of the Korean empire. This empire, which attempted modernization but remained relatively weak, grew more submissive to Japan’s imperialistic power. Consequently, Japan seized Korea in 1910, and afterwards tried to wipe out Korean culture. The traditional kisaengs were soon corrupted, and prostitution spread rapidly (Maynes 2012, p. 9). During the colonial era, the last generation of kisaeng faced major political and social changes. According to Lee (2010), “The elegant and intelligent kisaeng during the Chosŏn dynasty was replaced by an image of third-grade sex workers, a stigma which affected the kisaeng in the 35 years of the colonial period.” Yi Chŏngch’un became a kisaeng when they were regarded not as performing artists but reduced to the status of common prostitutes.

As her time as a kisaeng was nearing its end, Yi Chŏngch’un realized how miserable and marginalized her life had become.6 At age 38, she one day watched a pair of pigs copulate in the yard and had a profound awakening: “My life is no different from those pigs” (Park 2013). She realized that a life driven by lust, greed, and pleasure reduced her to the status of an animal. The sensation was similar to having a pig’s skin draped over her entire body (Wŏnbulgyo Pŏphunnok 1999, p. 142). From that point on, she shook off all worldly pleasures. On the advice of her maternal uncle, Kim Namch’ŏn 金南天 (1869–1941), she visited Cho Ch’ŏlche 趙哲濟 (1895–1958), the founder of Taeeul-do 太乙道, in hopes of resolving her turbulent past. After a period of wandering, at age 39, she met Sot’aesan’s female disciple Choi Dohwa 崔道華 (1883–1954),7 who eventually guided Yi Chŏngch’un to join the Wŏn Buddhist order on 27 December 1923, making Yi Chŏngch’un the 32nd female disciple of Sot’aesan (Song 1996, p. 239). In 1924, when Sot’aesan proposed the start of the Pulpŏp Yŏn’guhoe (The Society for the Study of the Buddhadharma 佛法硏究會), which was later renamed Wŏnbulgyo (Wŏn Buddhism 圓佛教), Yi Chŏngch’un was among the 7 in attendance, and the only female (Chŏn 2017, para. 1).8

The day Yi Chŏngch’un received a dharma name, her life would never be the same. In a piece titled, Forty years have gone by, and with the passing of yet another year, printed in the Wŏlmal T’ongsin (Monthly Communication), she reminisces on the first half of her life and reflects on the years ahead. “Thoughts of my past only bring tears to my eyes. However, to be aware of the futility of it all is a blessing, a blessing that could not have been possible without [Sot’aesan]. The Hwach’un of the past withered from the severe winter, but the Chŏngch’un of the present will remain as Chŏngch’un whether in spring, summer, fall, or winter. Even the changes of the seasons, the passing of a decade or 100 years will not sway this Chŏngch’un” (see Figure 1).

With a new dharma name, Yi Chŏngch’un now acquired an independent name and personality, no longer an extension of any male figure. Embracing her new spiritual path, Yi Ch’ŏngch’un and her mother moved to the vicinity of the Headquarters of Wŏn Buddhism in 1926. The physical move signified the encouragement she received from her mother to pursue the spiritual path and the start of her new life as a female-ordained kyomu.9

In her early years of spiritual training, quitting a long-term smoking habit was a significant challenge. During a retreat, Sot’aesan caught sight of her smoking and warned, “If you can’t break a smoking habit, there’s no point in training here.” Hearing his words, she finally decided to end her addiction. She knew that quitting smoking would require serious measures, so she locked herself inside her home and only opened the doors to receive meals. She eventually quit smoking through her efforts and would say, “My time in detention helped me quit smoking. Chŏnju’s Yi Hwach’un has transformed into Wŏn Buddhism’s Yi Chŏngch’un!” (Wŏnbulgyo Pŏphunnok 1999, pp. 142–43).

Her cheerful personality, immaculate appearance, enthusiasm for her teacher’s dharma teachings, and regular participation in summer and winter retreats earned her much praise. Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s progress in practice was documented in the twelfth issue of Wŏlmal T’ongsin (1929), where she was listed as first in sitting meditation, confirming her perfect attendance at retreats (see Figure 2).10

What set her apart from other female devotees was her ability to speak in front of an audience, a skill she cultivated during her kisaeng years. One story describes Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s experience speaking in front of her fellow practitioners during a retreat. Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s reasoning was astute, and her passionate, steadfast delivery earned her the reputation of a superb orator. She was not shy in front of strangers because of her outgoing and vibrant personality, and her social experiences with clients in her younger years. Nevertheless, she felt intimidated to deliver a formal lecture in front of other practitioners during her first regular training.11 When it was her turn to give a lecture, Yi Ch’ŏngch’un stood up and announced, “Now it’s my turn to talk, but I’m not sure how well I’ll do.” She went out without hesitation, but after only a few sentences, muttered, “Uh, looks like nothing’s coming out,” and added, “I ruined everything!” She turned to Sot’aesan and said sheepishly, “Master, nothing’s coming out.” He responded, “You can do it, you can do it.” Yi Ch’ŏngch’un proceeded with her teacher’s encouragement for a while and then abruptly said, “I’m going to go now!” She turned and returned to her seat (Chang 2017, p. 126), see Figure 3 and Figure 4.

During Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s early years of active participation in the order’s activities, the community endured tremendous financial hardship.12 Sot’aesan’s successor Chŏngsan 鼎山 would deliver an admonition to his students decades later, reflecting on the sacrifices of their predecessors.

Ordaining does not make you all authentic ordained devotees any more than residing in a practice site makes you all persons of the Way. We must not forget even for a moment the blood and sweat of the Founding Master and our forebears, which laid the foundation of our Order. When we recall the history of its establishment—selling charcoal and constructing levees in the dead of winter in Yŏngsan, traveling back and forth to P’yŏnsan while eating coarse meals and raising traveling funds by peddling straw mats, farming, and making confectionery during the construction of Iksan Headquarters, and so on—we must see in even a handful of soil or a single pillar the result of the blood and sweat of the Founding Master and our forebears.

(The Doctrinal Books of Wŏn Buddhism, 9. XII. The Way of Public-Spiritedness, p. 796)

Shortly after joining the order, Yi Chŏngch’un resolved to donate all of her land holdings that she accrued with the money earned through her kisaeng labor.13 Her generous donation would alleviate a significant portion of her financial burden. Sot’aesan, moved by Yi Chŏngchun’s generosity, responded by saying, “Your intention is quite touching, but a person’s mind may not be the same in the beginning and at the end. So, think this over more carefully.” He refused her offer many more times. Yi Chŏngch’un response was always the same, “I firmly resolve to make this donation, so may the order put it to good use.” Her admirable and selfless gesture, however, would not win the support of all members. Many ordained devotees argued that accepting money earned through kisaeng “filthy” work would not constitute an acceptable or honorable offering (Song 1996, p. 241). Despite their opposition, Sot’aesan eventually accepted her donation and said to Yi Chŏngch’un, “In exercising virtue, exercise great virtue that is signless like that of heaven and earth’s, so that your merit will remain forever unextinguished.” (The Doctrinal Books of Wŏn Buddhism, 26. XII. Exemplary Acts, p. 402). Yi Chŏngch’un kept her promise and transferred all land rights to the order, asking for nothing in return. Her donation helped solidify the financial foundation for Wŏn Buddhism in its formative years and signified the starting point of her many future contributions to Wŏn Buddhism. More importantly, this exchange between Sot’aesan and Yi Chŏngch’un exemplified the community Sot’aesan wished to create for his students, one based on respect, public spirit, and equality.

4. Sot’aesan’s Vision of a New Community

The new religious community established by Sot’aesan would aim to address the old society’s unreasonable discrimination and contradictory social structure. He believed women needed access to the same educational opportunities as men to be active in society. While Confucian values believed educating females was impractical (Maynes 2012, p. 6), Sot’aesan believed education for women would be essential in achieving equality in the community and society. Therefore, in the early years of Wŏn Buddhism, Sotaesan assembled lay and ordained students for summer and winter retreats, during which everyone received the same training. His lectures concerning his female disciples at the beginning of his ministry would demonstrate his convictions about their contemporary situation.

In April 1929, Sotaesan delivered the following lecture to his female disciples at the Ch’angsindong Sunday meeting: “You, women, should open your eyes and hearts and come out of the traditional women’s life, which is like the bottom space inside of a narrow well” (Kim 1985, p. 57). A “well,” as Hahn (1994) describes, is often narrow and deep; if it has been dug deep, it contains pure and clean water. Sot’aesan was comparing women’s lives to a well and saying that it is easy for women to give up and conform to society’s discrimination and unjust expectations. He believed that women had to break down barriers and reclaim their original power through their initiative. Therefore, he emphasized the study of the mind’s functioning to dispel the commonly held gender stereotypes. According to Sot’aesan, social reform necessitated rebuilding the system, but most important was a “mind revolution” or a spiritual kaebyŏk (great transformation), which is the basis of a social revolution. The effect of practice is that one becomes less ideological and less tied to rigidly held fixed beliefs. Sot’aesan argued that the cause of all contradictory social structures is based on people’s ignorance. In the 1929 Saŏp pogosŏ, he argues for the necessity of promoting equal rights for women.

In the past, the world was exclusively male-oriented. The newly awakened New Women eagerly exclaim that the old social systems were only for the man. Indeed, that is right. Who else, besides women, are without basic rights and freedoms in this way? (…) Accordingly, women also do not have the obligations they should have as human beings. As a rule, obligations are given when rights are given. Likewise, rights are given when obligations are given. Therefore, there can be no rights without obligations, and there can be no obligations without rights. Therefore, it is natural that women who do not have rights will become irresponsible. When all women—a gender that makes up half of the population—become irresponsible and rely solely on men for everything, how great will be the loss to family, country, and society?14

Creating such an equitable community would, however, be a challenging task. The episode involving Yi Chŏngch’un would not be the first time Sot’aesan encountered discord among members regarding who should be accepted to the order. A well-known story in the scriptures recalls a time when Sot’aesan resided in Yŏngsan, and a few prostitutes joined the order and occasionally visited the temple.

Those around him were bothered and said to the Master, “If such people visit our pure dharma site, then not only will outsiders laugh at us but it will also become a hindrance for our development. We think it best if you do not let them visit our temple anymore.” The Founding Master smiled and said, “How can you say such petty things? Generally, the great intent of the buddhadharma is always to deliver all sentient beings everywhere in the spirit of ‘great loving-kindness and great compassion.’ How can we let go of our original duty because we fear others’ ridicule? What is more, in the world there may be both high and low classes of people as well as high and low occupations, but in the buddha-nature there are no such distinctions. If you do not understand this fundamental principle and dislike practicing together with them when they visit the temple, then you are the people who are difficult to deliver.”.

(The Doctrinal Books of Wŏn Buddhism, 7. XII. Exemplary Acts, pp. 392–93)

Sot’aesan was directing their attention to Irwŏnsang 一圓相 (lit. one circle image), the object of faith and the model of practice in Wŏn Buddhism.15 lrwŏn is the source of all things in the universe. Therefore, all things in the universe are fundamentally equal. Since all sentient beings share the same enlightened nature or Buddha nature, Kim (2000) writes, “They cannot be differentiated from each other by any innate quality.” Female-ordained devotees could find inner strength and self-assurance through disciplined practice and education and discover their buddha nature. In Sot’aesan’s view, a community where men and women enjoyed equal rights would foster individual freedom and communal harmony. As a result, his new religious model focused on individual practice and service for the public good, as articulated in his Four Essentials for Social Reform. He begins by outlining how women have been historically mistreated before proposing solutions for the necessary social change to guarantee equal rights for women:

“A woman depended on her parents in her youth, on her husband after marriage, and on her children in her old age. Also, due to her unequal rights, she was not able to receive an education like that of men. She also did not enjoy the rights of social intercourse and did not have the right to inherit property. She also could not avoid facing constraints in whatever she did or did not do with her own body and mind … Regardless of whether we are men or women, we should not live a life of dependency as in the past, unless we cannot help but be dependent due to infancy, old age, or illness. Women too, just like men, should receive an education that will allow them to function actively in human society. Men and women should all work diligently at their occupations to gain freedom in their lives and should share equally their duties and responsibilities toward family and nation”.

(The Principal Book of Wŏn Buddhism (Wŏnbulgyo Chŏngjŏn), pp. 39–41)

Sot’aesan made his intentions known to the community, and many women joined the order for the educational opportunities it provided to become spiritual teachers. However, the institutional policy on gender equality throughout its formative years was inconsistent with Sot’aesan’s teaching of lrwŏn. As Kim (2000) points out, there was a discrepancy between the principles Sot’aesan stated in the scriptures and the policy advocated by the Wŏn Buddhist order during his lifetime. Traditional religious institutions, influenced by the gender hierarchy of their culture and society, are widely acknowledged as being responsible for maintaining gender inequality. Even while Sot’aesan advocated for equality, the institutionalization process undermined this ideal.

One study reported that many male members of the order maintained their patriarchal values and disapproved of women holding equal status. Retired female-ordained devotees were interviewed about their memories of the early years of Wŏn Buddhist community life. A female member revealed, “Many men in the order were upset with the recommendation of gender equality. They contended that women should not have full freedom. The men in the order insisted that women must have limitation in their activities. Men and women in the order fought daily in the beginning of our community life” (Lee 1997, p. 194). Women were allowed to stay at the Central Headquarters for the three-month summer and winter retreats but were discouraged from doing so at other times. For some female disciples, there was a chasm between the ideal and actual implementation of the principle of equality. Among these women was Yi Chŏngch’un, who could not ignore the issue. Her strong sense of duty compelled her to address injustice and inequality. At one point, she voiced an opinion to the community, calling out the inequality faced by ordained women and insisted on being treated equally as human beings. Her statement conveyed to the community that female-ordained devotees required autonomy and financial independence.

In the sixteenth issue of the Wŏlmal T’ongsin, published in 1929, Yi Chŏngch’un submitted an opinion16 titled, “Affirming the full participation of female chŏnmuch’ulsin17 in community life.” Her statement argued in favor of having the same rights and obligations as male-ordained members.

Chosŏn women have always been subservient to men, a fact that requires no further explanation. The women who joined this order had a firm conviction that they did not belong in their traditional roles. As a result, they abandoned this paradigm and entered to practice and study with an independent body in a free atmosphere to achieve a free life. Of course, we don’t think it’s enough to merely seek equality with men; we also recognize that women face unique challenges on the path to achieving these ends. But setting aside the broader background of women in Chosŏn, shouldn’t we first look at the position of women within our order?

Our order insists on the importance of equality and harmony. Then why can men organize the Department of Agriculture and gather factory workers? As proprietors, they directly engage in business and studies while residing in the headquarters. On the other hand, what about us women? The irony is that although we train under the same teacher and walk the same path, we are only visitors. You may refer to us as owners, but we are merely guests. As female retreat practitioners, we may enter and dwell at the headquarters during the three-month summer and winter retreats. Still, outside these periods, women are not permitted to reside at the headquarters. We count down the days until we may stay at the headquarters, but as soon as we arrive, it is already time to depart. We do not leave out of our own volition; instead, the environment compels us to do so. Therefore, it is not because others discriminate against us or constrain us that we leave, but because we lack knowledge, independence, and the possibility to earn money. Therefore, we are naturally treated as guests and placed behind men. This is because no one could construct an institution for women to become leaders and thoroughly consider and comprehend the degree and conditions of women. My modest opinion is that there are many qualified women, all of whom are qualified to be chŏnmuch’ulsin. Still, no one has thought of methods to construct an institute that allows women to live at the headquarters. Therefore, it has never occurred to many women to pursue the path of an ordained devotee.

We should immediately recruit women interested in becoming ordained devotees for the next three years. Then, when we amass enough funds and women to live a communal way of life, we will live at the headquarters, similarly to men, and devote ourselves to study and practice, which will be a financial blessing for the headquarters and actualize the founding vision for true gender equality. If you agree with my suggestion, you must unite those interested in this cause and accept new chŏnmuch’ulsin applications. Simultaneously we must begin preparing rules and regulations for acceptance, stipulating the intent to receive a membership fee from each newcomer. Women can be in charge of meal preparation or the laundry department to generate money. Alternatively, they can take over the mulberry tree farm or sericulture and include them as much as possible in farm work with males.18 Then, and only then, will we women be allowed to reside in the same place and become owners

(Wŏlmal T’ongsin 月末通信 che 16 ho, 1929).

Yi Chŏngch’un’s tone is sincere and firm. She makes it clear that the intention of the opinion is not to express any resentment towards men or the system but to exercise her participatory power and advocate for equal rights for women in every aspect of the community. She understood that in this spiritual community, women should not compete with males but must work together. She also understood that women needed to play a crucial role in manifesting Sot’aesan’s original intentions due to widespread male opposition. Sot’aesan would remind his students that achieving freedom required total commitment from both genders of the community to alleviate patriarchal norms, not just through policy changes but, more significantly, by empowering women. Nurturing individual autonomy was the way to help the community and the whole of society. When tensions between male and female practitioners increased, Sot’aesan referenced the law of karma. One of his female disciples would later describe this in an interview with Lee (1997):

Women in the order had to struggle to overcome men’s criticism of women being subordinate. We had to confront them. Many women resisted male’s points of view by asserting the teachings and guidance of the Great Master. Sometimes he just observed how men and women argued with each other on the issues of equality. He responded in one session that “According to the Law of Karma, gender is not a permanent identity: Women can be reborn as men; and men can be reborn as women in their next lives.” Therefore, men must help women to become independent individuals, while women must learn to become new women by cultivating their competence and rights (p. 198).

In her efforts to promote gender equality, Yi Chŏngch’un confronted two challenges: Resistance from male disciples who proposed that it was infeasible to practice equality in the community, and female disciples who were unprepared for equality owing to their patriarchal upbringing. She would have to be the one to rally women to systematically unite to help the community to thrive. In the Saŏp pogosŏ (1929), Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s opinion was given a grade of pyŏng 丙, which meant that more than half of the higher members offered their conditional consent. This suggested that other group members agreed with the proposal but were concerned about how it might work in practice. It would be up to the community to devise a strategy for amassing funds, finding potential female devotees to ordain, providing adequate accommodation, and determining who would perform which tasks. Other women unwilling to disrupt the prevailing system may have opposed her proposal. Nevertheless, her proposal would eventually be adopted, and female ordained devotees would be permitted to dwell in the headquarters and train alongside men.19

Although Yi Chŏngch’un’s life (

Table A1. Chronology of Yi Chŏngch’un’s life.28

Year	WB Year	Age	Event
1886	1	1	Born in Chŏnju, the capital of North Chŏlla Province
1923	8	38	Sot’aesan prepares the establishment of the Pulpŏp Yŏn’guhoe (Society for the Study of Buddhadharma). After meeting Sot’aesan, she becomes the 32nd female disciple
1924	9	39	Attends the meeting for the establishment of the Pulpŏp Yŏn’guhoe in Chŏnju. She is the only female among seven members
			Participates in the launch of the construction of the Central Headquarters as an exceptional supporter
1925	10	40	Donates her property to commemorate joining the order
1926	11	41	Relocates to the vicinity of the headquarters with her mother
			Resolves to walk the path of a chŏnmu ch’ulsin 專務出身 (one who devotes themself entirely to the order)
1927	12	42	Suggests starting silkworm farming at the Central Headquarters to earn income
			Joins the first Department of Mutual Aid at the headquarters
1928	13	43	Advances to the Preparatory Status of Special Faith among a group of 60 practitioners
			Awarded for her merit and public service, among 5 others
1929	14	44	Awarded first place from the Pulpŏp Yŏn’guhoe Yeonggwang district for her perfect attendance at all Dharma services and winter retreats held in 1928. Receives an award for her sitting meditation practice
			Wŏn Buddhism establishes an ‘adoptee’ system for ordained devotees. Sot’aesan becomes her ‘spiritual father’
			In the 18th issue of Wŏlmal t’ongsin 月末通信 (Month-end Communication), her name appears 4 times in the ‘Question and Answer’ section
			Publishes a piece titled, “Forty years have gone by, and with the passing of yet another year” in the 22nd issue of Wŏlmal t’ongsin. One of her few written pieces
			Submits an opinion printed in the Work Report 事業報告書 (Saŏp pogosŏ) on “Affirming the full participation of female chŏnmuch’ulsin in community life” (1929)
1932	17	47	The Wŏlmal t’ongsin Issue 35 documents Yi Chŏngch’un and Kim Kich’ŏn, both assigned as the first ordained devotees to the Pusan branch temple
			4 August, heads to Kimje temple to give a lecture (Wŏlbo 月報 36)
			16 August, lecture title, “Women have to be educated in this modern age.” (Wŏlbo 36)
			26 August, lecture title, “The original reason for work and practice.” (Wŏlbo 36)
			Participates at the summer retreat at Pusan temple (Wŏlbo 40)
			26 November, Recruitment Committee member for Yonghwa Sports Club at the Iksan Headquarters
1933	18	48	8–17 February travels to Gwangju, Yŏsu, and other nearby areas to give lectures (Wŏlbo 45)
			16 July, mother passes away (Hoebo 會報3)
1934	19	49	She purchases a house in Nosongdong with her own assets. This becomes the first temple in Chŏnju
			February, she becomes a committee member of the Judiciary Committee (Hoebo 7)
			She becomes an official itinerant kyomu assigned by the headquarters
			[Regulations] Resolves revisions for the interaction between male and female ordained devotees (Hoebo 10)
			9–10 November travels on a trip to Puyŏ with Sot’aesan, Song Kyu 宋 奎 (1900–1962), Cho Songgwang 曺頌廣(1876–1957), and Yi Tongjinhwa 李東震華 (1893–1968), (Hoebo 13)
1935	20	50	16 January arrives in Chŏnju, departed on the 18th (Hoebo 14)
			Assigned as the first kyomu at the Chŏnju temple (Hoebo 17) and active for 4 years
1939	24	54	1939–1941 active as itinerant lecturer in Chŏnju area
1941	26	56	On temporary leave (reported in Hoebo 62)
1948	33	63	Assigned to Namsŏn temple and works for 1 year
1955	40	70	Passes away at the Chŏnju Nursing Home

) story is an example of one woman’s advocacy for gender equality and female empowerment, it raises the question of whether kyomus in the twenty-first century have made a conscious and collective effort to continue this movement and actualize the founder’s vision. We should reflect on whether her spirit has been inherited or forgotten by current Wŏn Buddhist-ordained devotees. Kim’s study shows that Wŏn Buddhist female clergy are still treated differently from male clergy (Kim 2017).20 Her research points out that fundamental change lies in the hands of female-ordained devotees because they are the individuals with vested rights and the ones who created certain customs in the first place (Kim 2017, p. 255). Female scholars such as Bokin Kim and Chungnam Ha argue that although Sot’aesan made strides to actualize gender quality in the Wŏn Buddhist community, the present order has not fully realized his notion of equality (Ha 2021, p. 431). The process of recapturing Sot’aesan’s vision of equality needs to begin with a thorough investigation and serious discussion of the issue of the possibility of true gender equality in Wŏn Buddhism.

5. Yi Chŏngchun’s Legacy

In the years to come, Yi Chŏngch’un would continue to be a forceful advocate for positive change. She did not want to spend the remainder of her life in vain. In the twenty-second issue of Wŏlmal T’ongsin, Yi Ch’ŏngch’un opens her reflection with the lines, “The Ch’ŏngch’un, who had been troubled for the better part of four decades. What else is there to feel than emptiness and sadness when considering my life thus far?” You could ascribe Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s laments to the ravages of a difficult childhood. Many women of her generation had to find ways to deal with their inevitable hardships. What is impressive about her reflection is that she did not run from her past, but accentuated it. Over the decades, she revitalized her life to take in not just the practices that nourished her soul, but to experience a freedom unbounded by her place and time.

However, she always understood that freedom came at a cost. Her long road to spiritual progress required sacrifice and discipline. When she was elected to become a member of the Judiciary Committee (Hoebo 會報 che 7 ho),21 she wrote a piece in the tenth issue of Hoebo22 that most likely riveted the community’s attention. She predicted that communal living without boundaries could lead to immoral behavior. The first four regulations she outlines in the “Regulations for interactions between men and women” were as follows:

• Men are prohibited from entering a women’s quarters at all times. Even in a dire situation, he should not occupy her quarters.
• Women are prohibited from entering men’s quarters. Even in a dire situation, she should not occupy his quarters.
• A man and a woman should not talk alone in a secret place.
• In situations where a man and woman have to travel together, they should not walk alongside each other.23

For novices, reading this list may have seemed extreme, disrupting their normal rhythms. However, Yi Ch’ŏngch’un had firsthand knowledge of the risks that practitioners could face in an unregulated communal setting, where the influence of desire and attachment could cloud one’s moral compass. Yi Ch’ŏngch’un enacted the same regulations for women and men to demonstrate that the moral decline was not relegated to women, as was commonly assumed to be the cause of the social collapse (Hee-Sook 2004, p. 117). She learned from her interactions with Sot’aesan that to devote oneself to practice or public service, one must sacrifice basic human desires.

Yi Ch’ŏngch’un asked, “Does the mind of a great person of the Way have any attachments?” The Founding Master said, “If the mind has attachments, then one is not a person of the Way.” Ch’ŏngch’un asked again, “Even Chŏngsan loves his children. Doesn’t that mean his mind is attached?” The Founding Master said, “Would Ch’ŏngch’un call insentient wood and rocks persons of the Way? ‘Attachment’ means that one is so attached that one cannot bear to leave another person behind, or one so wants to see that person when separated that one cannot proceed with one’s own practice or public service. That doesn’t happen to Chŏngsan.”.

(The Doctrinal Books of Wŏn Buddhism, 21. III. Practice, p. 178)

Sot’aesan’s words were magnetic, and Yi Ch’ŏngch’un would devote the rest of her life to serving the public good. Her participation in establishing the Central Headquarters was one of her well-known financial contributions to the order. When discussing preparations for the founding of Pulpŏp Yŏn’guhoe in Chŏnju in 1924, Sot’aesan spoke about establishing Iri as the Central Headquarters site due to its accessibility and vast space. The inaugural general meeting of the Pulpŏp Yŏn’guhoe was scheduled to take place at Bogwang Temple after receiving approval from his disciples. Upon meeting at Bokwang Temple on 29 April 1924, the formation of the new Pulpŏp Yŏn’guhoe was officially announced to the public. After the inaugural general meeting, Sot’aesan, accompanied by representatives from each region, toured Iri and selected Sinyong-ri, Bukil-myeon, Iksan-gun as the site for the construction of the central headquarters. Seo Jung-an 徐中安 (1881–1930), the chairperson, sponsored the base fee and partially covered the construction cost and members from various areas contributed money (Pulpŏp Yŏn’guhoe ch’anggŏnsa24: Pon hoe ŭi ch’angnip, Hoebo che 46 ho). Records document the significant contributions from ordained and lay members; Yi Ch’ŏngch’un was listed as one of the Exceptional Sponsors 特別後援者 (t’ŭkpyŏl huwŏnja) of the project (Hoebo che 46 ho), see Figure 5.

Yi Ch’ŏngch’un spent many years lecturing and teaching at many temples, before establishing a temple in her hometown Chŏnju in 1934. She purchased a house in Nosongdong with her funds and posted the sign: Pulpŏp Yŏn’guhoe Chŏnju Meeting Hall (Chŏn 2017, para. 11). She became the official kyomu of this meeting hall starting on 1 May 1935. She would spend the next six years spreading the teachings in this area as a kyomu and itinerant preacher (Song 1996, p. 243).26 In the forty-sixth issue of Hoebo, the section titled “An Introduction to the Chŏnju Branch Office” documents her activities in Chŏnju.

As you are all aware, Yi Ch’ŏngch’un, gifted with altruism and exceptional zeal in establishing our Central Headquarters, was also responsible for creating the Chŏnju Branch Office. The celebration is considerably more joyful now that the general headquarters’ foundation has been set. She has decided to move back to Chŏnju, her birthplace, where she has worked tirelessly for years in public service and bought land on her own accord. This is like a bodhi tree without foundation, which, after enduring the trials of wind, rain, frost, and snow, sees an auspicious flower bloom in the first sun (…) As the longtime head of the Chŏnju Branch Office, Yi Ch’ŏngch’un had hoped for a successor for some time. Despite her years of hard work building the branch office, she was ready to hand it over and retire quietly to the hermitage she planned to build. Her complete unattachment to her life’s work is a clear example of her integrity and noble will.

(Hoebo che 46 ho, 1937)

Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s efforts led to the growth of the Wŏn Buddhist Chŏnbuk Diocese, which currently manages over 93 temples and 85 institutions. Membership totals over 50,000 and continues to grow (Chang 2017, p. 131). Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s life demonstrated that a person’s status at birth did not determine their life trajectory. Although she grew up in impoverished conditions, she matured as a practitioner and established a temple that stands to this day. Nearing the end of her life, she prepared to live in solitude in a modest hermitage and pass the temple on to the next ordained devotee.

6. Conclusions

The above discussion describes the many facets of Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s life: former kisaeng, exceptional sponsor, and devoted practitioner. She assisted in establishing a financial foundation for the order during its formative years and relocated to the vicinity of the central headquarters to be closer to her teacher and community. Unlike many women of that period, Yi Ch’ŏngch’un received an education, enjoyed the basic rights of social intercourse, inherited property, and was not bound in body or mind. But many would agree that Yi Ch’ŏngch’un was not a star. This was partly a result of history. She was the 32nd female disciple of Sot’aesan, and the founder of the Chŏnju branch office, which still exists today. Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s life had a unique flavor. She was an ardent practitioner at retreat centers, an orator at the podium, and a public-spirited figure who thrived in the background. She was never in the spotlight of any committee or temple. However, she would step up now and then to vocalize a critical matter.

Yi Ch’ŏngch’un’s story is a great exemplar of the transitions taking place in Korean history. The era of the ‘early heaven’ characterized by immaturity, inequality, and injustice was shifting to a ‘new heaven’ characterized by cooperation, peace, rationality, and equality. Sot’aesan envisioned a spiritual community that would actualize a great transformation (kaebyŏk) of spirit. However, the early Wŏn Buddhist years showed unrest as the gender equality espoused in principle was not actualized in the community. Although Sot’aesan asserted the importance of gender equality in creating an awakened community, the institutionalization process undermined this ideal. It would be necessary for ordained women, such as Yi Ch’ŏngch’un, to take matters into their own hands and demand reform. Her story should not be overlooked as it is an anthem of the founding spirit of Wŏn Buddhism: we are equal as human beings at a profound level. Women who walked through the retreat doors of Wŏn Buddhism were no longer extensions of their father, husband, or son, but women with independent names and identities. With a renewed spiritual vow, one did not have to be imprisoned by one’s past but could begin a new life.

Her death brought her greater renown than she knew in life. With the terrible instant clarity that tragedy confers, it is now easy to recognize her for what she was: a humble woman born into a lower-class body but yearning for a spiritual transformation. She was one of the great leaders of her generation, with a history of accomplishments that stands next to those of far greater names. Yi Chŏngch’un passed away on 14 July 1955, at the Chŏnju Nursing Home at 70. In his tribute to Yi Chŏngch’un, Yi Wanch’ŏl’s 李完喆 (1897–1965)27 wrote that she achieved a new height of prominence within the order. “She wandered around in a turbid life of lust until she watched two pigs and was inspired to walk the spiritual path. The Chŏnju Yi Hwach’un transformed into the Wŏn Buddhist Yi Chŏngch’un. Just as a fish can transform into a dragon and ascend to the heavens, so too can an unenlightened person living in the dusty world become a bodhisattva.”