Eve and the Goddess Innana: Reading Genesis 3:16b in Light of Sacred Marriage Cultic Literature
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. Inanna and Dumuzi
The Queen of HeavenThe heroic woman, greater than her motherWho was presented the me by EnkiInanna the First Daugher of the MoonDecreed the Fate of Dumuzi:In battle I am your leaderIn combat, I am your armor-bearerIn the assembly I am your advocateOn the campaign I am your inspirationYou the chosen shepherd of the holy shrineYou the king, the faithful provider of UrukYou the light of An’s great shrineIn all ways you are fit:To hold your head high on the lofty daisTo sit on the lapis lazuli throneTo cover your head with the holy crownTo wear long clothes on your bodyTo bind yourself with the garments of kingshipTo carry the mace and swordTo guide straight the bow and arrowTo fasten the throw-stick and sling by your sideTo race on the road with the holy scepter in your handAnd the holy sandals on your feetTo prance on the holy breast like a lapis lazuli calfYou the sprinter, the chosen shepherdIn all ways you are fitMay your heart enjoy good daysThat which An has determined for you—may it not be alteredThat which Enlil has granted—may it not be changedYou are the favorite of NingalInanna holds you dear
3. Eve and Adam
4. Woman Wisdom and the King
5. Conclusions
The man named his wife EveBecause she was the mother of all the living42
Funding
Data Availability Statement
Conflicts of Interest
1 | In Judaism, Philo’s commentary on this passage offers a damning portrait of woman’s inherent moral depravity: “But the woman was more accustomed to be deceived than the man. For his counsels as well as his body are of a masculine sort, and competent to disentangle the notions of seduction; but the mind of the woman is more effeminate, so that through her softness she easily yields and is easily caught by the persuasions of falsehood, which imitate the resemblance of truth.” (Philo 1999, p. 65). According to Philo, “Man’s sin was that he gave up his rightful position as master to subordinate himself to the woman.” (Philo, De Opificio Mundi, 165, in Kvam et al., eds., Eve and Adam, p. 42). Such reading of the text can also be found in the midrash (Cf. Genesis Rabbah 17.7), and in later commentaries by Rashi and Nachmanides (Cf. Rashi, Commentary on the Pentateuch, Genesis 1: 16, and Nachmanides, Commentary on the Torah, Gen 3:16). The Christian tradition falls into the same line of interpretation. Quoting the writings of Paul, Ambrose observes: “She was first to be deceived and was responsible for deceiving the man. Wherefore the Apostle Paul has related that holy women have in olden times been subject to the stronger vessel and recommends them to obey their husbands as their masters. (1 Peter 3:1). Paul says: ‘Adam was not deceived, but the woman was deceived and was in sin.’ (1 Tim 2:14). This is a warning that no one ought to rely on himself, for she who was made for assistance needs the protection of a man (Gen 2:18). The head of the woman is man, who, while he believed that he would have the assistance of his wife, fell because of her (1 Cor 11:3)” (Ambrose, Paradise, 4:24, in Kvam et al., eds., Eve and Adam, p. 136). Ambrose concludes on the moral superiority of man over woman and, as such, it becomes the man’s legitimate task to lead the woman and lord over her. The woman, by virtue of her inherent moral depravity, must obey and submit. This perspective will permeate Christian exegetical circles throughout the history of interpretation in the commentaries of Tertullian and Aquinas (Cf. Tertullian, On the Apparel of Women, 1:1 and Aquinas, Summa Theologica, I, q. 92). For the connections between these interpretations and Greek thought, notably that of Aristotle, see (Doukhan 2020) |
2 | Ezer kenegdo has been traditionally translated as help-meet, as though the woman were some sort of subservient “help” to the man. This is to miss the powerful and redemptive role contained in the Hebrew word ezer, which in the rest of the Bible is identified to God’s saving and redemptive power (cf. Psalm 145:1). Phyllis Trible also makes this parallel between God’s saving power and the woman’s: “She is not created as his helper, that is to say, his assistant and his inferior. To be sure the Hebrew word ezer has traditionally been translated ‘helper,’ but the translation is totally misleading. If you look the word up in a concordance, you discover that most often in the Hebrew Bible it is used to describe God. God is the helper of Israel. When we hear that God is the helper of Israel, we never think that God is inferior to Israel. To the contrary, we know that God is superior to Israel. God is the one who creates and saves Israel…the connotations of the word are connotations of superiority. I think the storyteller recognizes the issue because the storyteller does not allow the word to stand alone but adds to it another word: an ezer ‘fit for,’ an ezer ‘corresponding to.’ The point is to temper the connotation of superiority” (Trible 1995, p. 13). |
3 | We will elaborate on this definition of teshuqah as “loving intention” later in this essay. |
4 | Incidentally, Ancient Near Eastern culture, notably Sumerian culture, was much less misogynistic than its later Greek counterpart. This is in part due to the strong ties that still existed between Sumerian culture and the matriarchal world that it emerged from. Ruby Rohrlich has made a convincing argument for the strong matriarchal roots of the Sumerian empire in her analysis of the place of women in all main strata of society. According to Rohrlich, it is only with the rise of the Babylonian empire that the region began to abandon matriarchy for patriarchy: “In the initial stages of Sumerian civilization, women appear to have been in the highest ranks: ‘matriarchy seems to have left something more than a trace in the early Sumerian city-states’ … by the end of the third millennium B.C., ‘the king had become the sole and absolute ruler of the land’, for the assembly had yielded up even its token powers, as reflected in the epic of creation, the Enuma Elish. Composed during the latter half of the second millennium B.C. it was performed during the New Year by the priests of Babylon every year for nearly two thousand years, so significant was it deemed as religious ideology. The epic shows that before the king could assume absolute power, the women had to be totally subjugated, and the price men paid for the power they acquired over women was complete servitude to their earthly rulers” (Rohrlich 1980, pp. 84, 95–96). As such, Sumerian culture might be defined as pre-patriarchal. To situate our text back in its Sumerian context amounts then to interpreting it against the backdrop of a world with strong matriarchal roots, a world that is still pre-patriarchal, knowing nothing of the misogyny that would later arise in this region of this region of the world. This in itself, is bound to reframe how the character Eve will be understood. |
5 | Commenting on the Song of Songs, Kramer observes that “the Song of Songs, or at least a good part of it, is a modified and conventionalized form of an ancient Hebrew liturgy celebrating the reunion and marriage of the sun god with the Mother Goddess which flourished in Mesopotamia from earliest days. This sacred marriage had been part of a fertility cult which the nomadic Hebrews took over from their urbanized Canaanite neighbors who in turn had borrowed it from the Tammuz-Ishtar cult of the Akkadians, a modified form of the Dumuzi-Inanna cult of the Sumerians” (Kramer 1969, p. 89). |
6 | In (Kramer and Wolkstein 1983, pp. 30–49). The story we are about to study is a part of a large number of clay tablets and fragments unearthed towards the end of the 19th century and dating back to 2000 B.C.E. Since the 1970s, a small international group of dedicated scholars have been deciphering, translating and interpreting them and making these texts available to us (cf. Ibid, p. xiii). |
7 | It is important to mention here that, although the Biblical writers seem to at times borrow motives from Ancient Near Eastern literature, they are in no way “copying” those stories. Rather, what very often happens, is a “polemic” borrowing of these motives. The Biblical storyteller borrows from a given worldview in order to precisely challenge that worldview, and sometimes even overturn it. We will see this in the way that Eve is depicted in a way reminiscent of the goddess Inanna, while at the same time seeing this role challenged by God in our story. For more recent scholarship on the connections between Ancient Near Eastern literature and the story of Eve see (Beaulieu 2007) as well as (Walton 2015) and, finally (Bauks 2012). |
8 | Again, speaking of the Song of Songs, Kramer observes that: “it is only now when we have more than a dozen Sumerian sacred marriage songs of celebration and rejoicing that we begin to get a true picture of the parallels between the Biblical book and some of its probably cuneiform forerunners. For it is now evident that the similarities and resemblances between them are not confined to the general stylistic features such as the portrayal of the lover as both shepherd and king, and of the beloved as both bride and sister, or the formal interlacing of soliloquies, colloquies and refrains; they extend to theme, motif, and occasionally even phraseology” (Kramer 1969, p. 91). |
9 | There is ample evidence within the Hebrew Bible itself (notably the book of Kings) of the influence of the Inanna/Dumuzi cultic literature (via the Akkadian Tammuz/Ishtar stories and Canaanite Baal/Asherah) on temple worship during the reign of the Kings of Jerusalem. |
10 | Kramer notes that “the prophets themselves did not hesitate to draw some of the symbolism from the cult, and the frequent descriptions in the prophetic writings of the relation between Yahweh and Israel as that of a husband and wife indicate the existence of a sacred marriage between Yahweh and the goddess Astarte, the Canaanite counterpart of the Mesopotamian Ishtar/Inanna” (Kramer 1969, p. 90). |
11 | We have already noted the connections observed by Kramer between the Song of Songs, a text composed during the monarchy, arguably by King Solomon himself, and the stories surrounding the goddess Inanna. |
12 | These clay tablets and fragments were unearthed towards the end of the 19th century in the southern Iraqi region. Since the 1970s, a small international group of dedicated scholars have been deciphering, translating and interpreting them and making these texts available to us (cf. Kramer and Wolkstein 1983, p. xiii). |
13 | The story of the tower of Babel seems to describe precisely the Sumerian civilization from which the Hebrew nation would emerge through the person of Abraham, shedding light on its potential dangers and pitfalls. |
14 | The story is entitled The Huluppu Tree and has been compiled in (Kramer and Wolkstein 1983, pp. 4–9). |
15 | This has been noted by Beaulieu: “Genesis 2–3 attests to a long mythical tradition in which the personage of Eve developed as a demythologized Asherah figure through deterioration resulting from royal tradition; proof of this can be seen in the fact that both women represent fertility and are associated with the serpent… as well as tree” (Beaulieu 2007, p. 98). |
16 | This “competition” between shepherd and farmer will remind our readers of the conflict between Cain (a farmer) and Abel (a shepherd). The story of Cain and Abel thus takes place against the backdrop of a more ancient conflict: that perhaps of a clash of civilizations and worldviews between the nomadic Hebrews and the sedentary Sumerians. |
17 | According to Jacobsen, “In the Dumuzi cult the love songs led up to the marriage of the god, which was celebrated in a rite of sacred marriage. In this rite, the king assumed the identity of the god while a high priestess seems to have embodied the goddess” (Jacobsen 1978, p. 87). R.F.G. Sweet enumerates three texts that seem to support Jacobsen’s idea: Shulgi X, which extols the greatness of King Shulgi (2094-47 BC) and speaks of sacred marriage ritual between him and Inanna; the second text is a sacred marriage hymn dedicated to Inanna that mentions a consort by the name of Iddin-Dagan (third king of the Isin Dynasty); and the third text is the British Museum text CT 42, no. 4 which also mentions a sacred marriage ritual between Inanna and an earthly king (cf. Sweet 1994, pp. 96–102). |
18 | Tykva Frymer-Kensky describes the ritual as follows: “Kings of Sumer called themselves the spouse of Inanna and celebrated a sacred marriage to her. Through the ritual, culture (Inanna) and nature (the king) were brought together. And thus, the human world is related to the divine … Through the vagina, the female force of the universe was considered determinative for the continuation of the universe.” (Frymer-Kensky 1995, p. 36). |
19 | Inasmuch as Ishtar is the Babylonian version of Inanna, her role and purpose are identical to those of Inanna. Like Inanna, she is partnered up with a shepherd-king, Tammuz, whose reign she has inaugurated in a sacred marriage ceremony reminiscent of Inanna and Dumuzi’s. |
20 | Quoting the Pyramid texts, Bernadette Menu observes: “’Le ciel est satisfait, la terre est dans la joie, car ils ont appris que le roi amène la Ma’at et repousse l’Isifet’ (Pyramides, 1775–1776). Le pharaon légitime est celui qui fait rêgner la Ma’at dont il est redevable” (Menu 2005, p. 9). Translation: “’The sky is satisfied, the earth is joyful, for they have learned that the king brings the Ma’at and expulses the Isifet’ (Pyramid Texts, 1775–1776). The legitimate pharaoh is the one through whom Ma’at reigns, the one to whom he is indebted.” A number of beautiful Egyptian temple engravings depict the pharaoh offering up the Ma’at back to the gods as a pleasing offering to them, and as a sign of his continuous devotion to and protection of the Ma’at in his kingdom. One of these is a raised and colored relief within the interior of the temple of Beit el-Wali, Lake Nasser, Aswan, Egypt (c. 1276 BC). On the left, Ramses II makes an offering of the goddess Ma’at to the god Amun. Cf. https://www.worldhistory.org/image/5428/the-offering-of-maat accessed on 1 June 2024. |
21 | See my commentary of Proverbs 8:15–16 below. |
22 | I am bracketing here the traditional translation of the preposition b- as “over” in order to challenge its hereto unquestioned finality. As it turns out, and this will be shown later, there are other possible ways to translate this preposition. |
23 | Janine Elkouby poetically situates the origin of Eve’s solitude in the fact that no one seems to speak to her: “Il a parlé. Mais pas à moi. Son regards m’avait déjà quitté, et c’est à lui-même, au monde entier qu’il a parlé. De moi. Pas à moi… je n’avais rien à répondre, les mots se sont desséchés dans ma gorge, tués en même temps que moi. La parole est morte entre nous, morte avant que de naître” (He spoke. But not to me. His gaze had already moved on and it is to himself, to the whole world, that he spoke. Of me. Not to me…I had nothing to say in response. The words dried up in my throat, killed at the same time as my own self. Language died between us, died before even emerging (Elkouby 2013, p. 14)). |
24 | The translations often omit to translate the preposition “ima” (with her), which is found in the original Hebrew text of Genesis 3:6. The translation should be as follows: “And she also gave some to her husband, with her (ima), and he ate” (Gen. 3:6). This implies that her husband might have been standing right there with her all along (cf. Trible 1973, pp. 112–13). |
25 | Mieke Bal incidentally also describes Eve’s giving of the fruit to her husband as a power move which simultaneously empowers her, raises her own status, while lowering God’s: “The woman promotes her own status in the narrative. Her disobedience is the first independent act, which makes her powerful as a character. Not only has she the power to make the man eat … but she also manages to turn the almighty God of Genesis 1 into a character with equal status … (He) is no longer in a position to ‘take’ and ‘put’ the human objects wherever he wishes. Speech becomes dialogue, action, confrontation. The relationship between them is now basically horizonal” (Bal 1985, p. 35). |
26 | This passivity of Adam, contrasted with Eve’s proactiveness (and perhaps generated by it!) was noticed by Phyllis Trible: “Throughout this scene the man has remained silent; he does not speak for obedience. His presence is passive and bland. The contrast that he offers to the woman is not strength or resolve but weakness. No patriarchal figure making decisions for his family, he follows his woman without question or comment. She gives fruit to him, ‘and-he-ate’. The story does not say that she tempted him; nor does its silence allow for this inference, although many interpreters have made it. It does not present him as reluctant or hesitating. He does not theologize; he does not contemplate; and he does not envision the full possibilities of the occasion. Instead, his one act is belly-oriented, and it is an act of acquiescence, not of initiative. If the woman is intelligent, sensitive and ingenious, the man is passive, brutish and inept” (Trible 1973, p. 113). |
27 | The original Hebrew of the text highlights a breakdown of dialogue right before the murder of Abel: “Cain said to his brother Abel … And when they were in the field, Cain set upon his brother Abel and killed him” (Gen. 4:8). “Cain said to his brother Abel.” We expect here to see the content of what was spoken, but instead, and in a highly unusual way, nothing is said. The text makes the murder of Abel follow directly this absence of dialogue, as though to show their inter-relatedness. |
28 | Michaela Bauks makes this point: “The trees stand as markers of a holy place, a place where God and humans meet. In other cultures, holy groves or certain common tree species are dedicated to gods …Gardens furthermore, represent a sacred space and may be imbued with a sacral character. In them the existing world is shown en miniature in an ideal way or is paradigmatically recreated … More controversial is the connection of these images to the Pardes, or Paradeisos, or Persian vegetable garden, which was laid out in the style of an exotic, fenced in tree- and wildlife park, and initially used for royal hunting. At least in the reception of Greek authors like Herodotus, Xenophon, and others, Persian kings came to be portrayed as royal gardeners, with the garden—much like the Neo-Assyrian temple gardens—imagined as holy space” (Bauks 2012, pp. 280–81). John Walton also makes this connection between the garden and sacred space, that of the temple, signifying the presence of God in the world and Adam’s royal role to protect that presence: “Scholars have also recognized that the temple and tabernacle contain a lot of imagery from the Garden of Eden. They note that gardens commonly adjoined sacred space in the ancient world. Furthermore, the imagery of fertile waters flowing from the presence of the deity to bring abundance to the earth is a well-known image.” Walton then quotes Gorden Wenham: “The garden of Eden is not viewed simply as a piece of Mesopotamian farmland, but as an archetypal sanctuary, that is a place where God dwells and where man should worship him … these parallels suggest that the garden itself is understood as a sort of sanctuary” (Walton 2009, p. 81). |
29 | This move is incidentally not a punitive move, as Mieke Bal correctly observes: “the woman is not cursed. The content of Yahweh’s words to her is not even presented as the consequence of what she has done, let alone a punishment” (Bal 1985, p. 36). |
30 | For more details on the evolution of male desire in the Song of Songs, see (Doukhan 2019, pp. 61–73). |
31 | Carol Meyers has pointed out the semantic proximity between teshuqah (desire) and teshuvah (turning) and shown how one might understand the former in light of the latter as a turning or returning of the woman to the man. She admits to not being alone in doing this: “Virtually all other ancient translations, like the Septuagint, and also early Christian and Jewish exegetical traditions understand the text to say turning or returning. Rather than focus on sexual desire, they have the woman (re)turning to the man. They apparently understood the rare teshuqah to have a semantic range overlapping with teshuvah, with the woman being drawn (as by desire?) to the one to whom she is turning/returning” (Meyers 2013, p. 94). Joel Lohr makes a similar point in a comparative study of the translations of teshuqah in Jewish text: “Our history of translation and interpretation reveals that ancient Jewish and Christian interpreters regularly, if not always, understood teshuqah as an action involving the return of the subject or thing … We might conclude that, for ancient interpreters and writers, teshuqah and teshuvah had an overlapping semantic range” (Lohr 2011). |
32 | André Lacocque puts this beautifully: “The divine saying to the woman in effect displaces the accent of responsibility from eating a forbidden fruit to betraying the sacred covenant with man. She is hit in her womanhood and in her relationships with her husband, because, as stressed above, the very fact that Eve speaks with an animal in the absence of Adam is a perversion of order. The serpent plays with her a role of partnerships that belongs by right to Eve’s man. She wanted to play God, and she is now reminded of her humanity in her torn flesh, a far cry from her dream to submit God’s creation to her decision regarding what is good and what is bad/evil” (Lacocque 2006, p. 219). |
33 | Cf. Isaiah 3:4, 19:4, Judges 8:23, Deut. 15:6. |
34 | Davidson notes that “the verb mashal does not consistently indicate submission, subjection or dominion in scripture …indeed there are a number of passages where mashal is used with the connotation of servant leadership, to ‘comfort, protect, care for, love.’ In later usages of mashal in scriptural narratives (e.g., the time of Gideon), the people of Israel are eager to have someone to ‘rule’ (mashal) over them (judg. 8:22), and the term mashal describes the rulership of Yahweh and the future Messiah. Thus mashal is predominantly a positive concept, not a negative one” (Davidson 2007, p. 72). |
35 | This connection between the rule of the sun and the rule of the pharaoh in Ancient Egypt was established by Jan Assman: “Appliquée à l’Egypte ancienne, cette trinité théorique du sacré, du politique et de l’ordre prend la forme d’une réalite vécue et s’incorpore dans la constellation du soleil, du roi et de la maat…la domination, le gouvernement du monde est la continuation de la création et la prérogative propre au créateur—qu’il partage pourtant avec son fils le pharaon—d’adapter le régime du monde à son état actuel où existe la séparation mais ou grâce à la maat, l’homologie des deux spheres est toujours possible … le soleil répand la maat dans le monde sous les formes cosmiques de la lumière et du temps mesuré; le roi la répand sur terre sous les formes culturelles de la justice et du culte sacrificiel” ((Assman 2001, p. 125). Translation: Applied to Ancient Egypt, this theoretical trinity of the sacred, the political, and the order of things takes the form of a lived reality incorporated by the sun, the king and the Ma’at…the domination, the government of the world is the continuation of the creative order and it is the Creator’s prerogative—which he chooses to share with his son, the pharaoh—to adapt to the regime of the world in its present state where separation still exists, but where thanks to the Ma’at, the communion between the two spheres is always possible … the sun shines forth the Ma’at on the world in the cosmic form of light and temporality; the king shines forth the cultural forms of justice and of worship). |
36 | This notion of a “God-given authority” bestowed upon man by God has been a staple of patriarchy. The earliest version of this in the context of Christianity is found of course in the writings of Paul: “The head of every man is Christ, the head of the woman is man, and the head of Christ is God” (1 Cor. 11:4). Taken literally and without careful reading, this passage seems to decree that the woman is to remain under the authority of man in a divinely ordained hierarchy. But this idea is profoundly nuanced when one notices that the man’s headship is conditional upon his being totally surrendered to Christ and living the surrendered, sacrificial life of Christ. If, as Christ taught, to lead is to serve, one realizes that the headship of man might not mean his having authority or control over his wife at all but something else entirely. |
37 | The book of Proverbs elaborates on this notion when it summons the future king (the “son” in the book of Proverbs is most likely the heir to the throne being introduced to the art of reigning) to listen to the voice of Woman Wisdom. Only a king capable of listening, of receiving, of eating and drinking at the table of Woman Wisdom is fit to reign. Cf. Prov. 1:33, 8–9. |
38 | The preposition b- has a wide variety of meanings, stemming from “in”, “at/by” and “with”, the latter denoting accompaniment or instrumentality. I am suggesting here a translation of b- in the instrumental sense of “through” or “by means of”. Examples where the preposition b- is used instrumentally are: “Lest he strike us through/by means of (b-) the pestilence or sword” (Ex. 5:3), “kill the whole camp through/by means of (b-) hunger” (Ex. 16:30), “through/by means of (b-) the three hundred men who lapped I will save you” (Judges 7:7), “through/by (b-) you, I can run against a troop, through/by (b-) my God I can leap over a wall” (Ps. 18:29), “whoever sheds the blood of man through/by (b-) man (Gen. 9:6). |
39 | In much of the iconography surrounding the goddess Ma’at, she is depicted carrying the ankh (key of life) in one hand and the royal scepter (symbol of rulership) in the other. |
40 | “Sumerologists have not yet been able to translate the meaning of either pukku or mikku. One possible explanation is that they are emblems of kingship, such as a rod or a ring” (cf. Kramer and Wolkstein 1983, p. 143, Note 9). |
41 | See Abi Doukhan “Re-imagining the Woman’s Curse: A Redemptive Reading of Genesis 3:16”, where the argument is made that the history of interpretation has been systematically and woefully tainted by the Aristotelian philosophy on gender relations. Cf. https://www.mdpi.com/2077-1444/11/11/600 accessed on 1 June 2024. |
42 | Genesis 3:20. |
43 | Philo, for example, utters that “rather than bringing life (as her name seems to indicate), Eve brought Adam death”, and “Woman rules over death and vile things”, quoted in (Kvam et al. 1999, p. 41). |
44 | Such was the intuition of Luce Irigaray, for whom true civilization rests on the shared partnership between the man and the woman: “The other opens us to the possibility of another era for our subjective becoming and for our culture. The other introduces us to another logic in which the relational values, notably of coexistence in difference, are considered and cultivated and not only the values of mastery and know-how and their extension-expansion, which are necessarily accompanied by warlike and conflictual competitions between those who are alike. And let us recall that in our tradition, the other is at first woman, beginning with woman in the mother” (Irigaray 2008, p. 133). |
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Doukhan, A. Eve and the Goddess Innana: Reading Genesis 3:16b in Light of Sacred Marriage Cultic Literature. Religions 2024, 15, 917. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15080917
Doukhan A. Eve and the Goddess Innana: Reading Genesis 3:16b in Light of Sacred Marriage Cultic Literature. Religions. 2024; 15(8):917. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15080917
Chicago/Turabian StyleDoukhan, Abi. 2024. "Eve and the Goddess Innana: Reading Genesis 3:16b in Light of Sacred Marriage Cultic Literature" Religions 15, no. 8: 917. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15080917
APA StyleDoukhan, A. (2024). Eve and the Goddess Innana: Reading Genesis 3:16b in Light of Sacred Marriage Cultic Literature. Religions, 15(8), 917. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15080917