The Holy Land of Saints the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem and the Life Story of St. Marie Alphonsine

Abstract

Utilizing the lens of new historicism, this study examines how hagiographers Stolz, Duvignau, and Khoury, from the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, have constructed and modified the narrative identity of St. Marie Alphonsine through different periods—1936, 1989, and 2012–2015. This approach illuminates the complex relationship between religious storytelling, cultural identity formation, and perceptions of “otherness”. The chronological dissection of St. Marie Alphonsine’s portrayal uncovers the hagiographers’ efforts to recalibrate her image in response to the changing cultural, spiritual, and communal demands within the Patriarchate’s jurisdiction and among the faithful. Highlighting the hagiographers’ instrumental role on behalf of the Patriarchate in molding religious and cultural discourses, the article explores the profound impact of saintly veneration on shaping the religious identity and cultural narratives of the Catholic community in the Holy Land. It underscores the essential function of the Patriarchate in steering the Catholic community through the complexities of the evolving socio-religious landscape.

How is it that you are choosing us, poor despised mortals? Why do you not choose someone from the rich lands of Europe? She [Virgin Mary] smiled and said: Remember my daughter that roses grow among thorns. In this very land I had my joy, my sorrow, and my glories. By you and through you, I want to reveal my power.

(Stolz 1968)

In recent decades, the Catholic Church has been proactive in reevaluating its approach to representing a diverse array of communities within its global corpus. This reevaluation reflects a shift within the Church towards inclusivity and a recognition of the rich tapestry of cultures and traditions that make up the Church as is. A pivotal aspect of this process involves the role of saints in contemporary Catholic theology. These revered figures, once confined to Church history, are now increasingly viewed as dynamic agents that shape the collective identity of Catholic communities. Saints are no longer regarded as mere relics of the past, but as relevant and actual figures in the present. They serve as bridges between the local community, the overarching Church, and even—and importantly so—the realm of politics. Their stories and teachings resonate with contemporary affairs and challenges, making them powerful symbols of modern Catholicism. Through their canonization, saints become not only spiritual icons but also significant instruments of socio-cultural preservation, solidarity maintenance, as well as social change and transformation.

The life story and canonization process of St. Marie Alphonsine (adopted from St. Alphonsus Liguori, 1696–1787, an Italian Catholic bishop who founded the Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, in 1732) is a case in point. It may reveal the intricate facets of a particular (by self and other) identity, and the unique challenges faced by Catholic Christian communities living in the Holy Land.

Hagiographic studies have experienced notable evolution in recent decades, shifting away from conventional methods that emphasize historical accuracy and spiritual edification (Heffernan 1988). Contemporary scholars increasingly view hagiographies as complex cultural artifacts that mirror and shape the societies that produce them (Kleinberg 1992). This shift has led to more interdisciplinary approaches, incorporating insights from various fields including anthropology, gender studies, and political science (Howard-Johnston and Hayward 2000; Mitchell and Greg 2015; Orsi 2005; Dunn 1978). The present study contributes to this evolving field by applying a new historicist approach, as developed by Greenblatt (Gallagher and Greenblatt 2000), to the hagiography of St. Marie Alphonsine, a Palestinian saint canonized in 2015. By examining her life story across different historical periods and contexts, this article demonstrates how hagiographies can serve as valuable lenses for understanding broader religious, cultural, and political dynamics, particularly in complex settings like the Holy Land (O’Mahony 2003a).

St. Marie Alphonsine’s hagiography is of notable importance. Her hagiography, composed by members of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem—the institution overseeing the Catholic Church in the Holy Land—does more than celebrate her life and spiritual contributions. It acts as a vital document, reflecting the religious and cultural dynamics of the region. Analyzing the depiction of St. Marie Alphonsine’s life as presented by the Latin Patriarchate offers valuable insights into the institution’s prevailing priorities and values at different points in history when her story was documented. The following exploration not only reveals the religious and cultural values that the Latin Patriarchate sought to convey through her veneration but also illuminates how these values have evolved over time. By scrutinizing the hagiography of St. Marie Alphonsine across distinct time periods, particularly in 1936, 1989, and during the years from 2012 to 2015, we can effectively trace the transformation in the portrayal of her narrative. This chronological analysis underscores the changing emphasis placed on various facets of her identity, providing a glimpse into the evolving perspectives and cultural contexts that have shaped her enduring legacy (Orsi 2005). This examination becomes a unique lens through which we can comprehend the ongoing development of religious and cultural narratives within the Catholic community of the Holy Land. It allows us to discern how the Latin Patriarchate has adapted its portrayal of St. Marie Alphonsine to align with the evolving socio-religious landscape and the changing needs and aspirations of the Catholic faithful in the region.

In this article, I review the life story of the Palestinian saint Sr. Marie Alphonsine. My basic approach corresponds to the critical method of the new historicism, exemplified by such scholars as Stephen J. Greenblatt (Gallagher and Greenblatt 2000). Greenblatt questions the relationship between life and stories and addresses the ways in which culture interacts with various kinds of “others”. The new historicism pays special attention to aspects of the past that do not fit into conventional histories. It challenges the idea that history is concerned with events that are “over” and distant from present concerns. It suggests that historiography is drawn from the culture in which it emerged, but it also reproduces that culture in a modified form that can travel, across the boundaries within a culture, between cultures, and across time. This approach is particularly apt for examining hagiography, as it acknowledges that such texts are not merely isolated narratives but are deeply embedded within the cultural, social, and political contexts of their production (Mitchell and Greg 2015). By scrutinizing hagiographical texts through the prism of new historicism, this research aims to uncover the underlying socio-cultural values, power dynamics, and ideological underpinnings that inform the portrayal of saints and their significance within religious communities. Understanding hagiography as a product of its time and place allows for a nuanced analysis of how saints, like Marie Alphonsine, are constructed and utilized to negotiate broader cultural and religious identities, especially in regions like the Holy Land where historical narratives cross with contemporary socio-political realities. In doing so, the research seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the role of saints in shaping the collective consciousness of Catholic communities and their significance in navigating the complexities of religious and cultural change.

1. The Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem

For more than a millennium, Arab Christians in the Holy Land have faced the complex task of reconciling two fundamental aspects of their identity: their Arab ethnic heritage and their Christian religious faith (Sabra 2006). This dual identity became increasingly complex as the Arab ethnicity component became closely associated with Islam, while their religious identity linked them to the broader Western Christian world. Consequently, their ethnic and religious identities were often at odds with each other.

Native Christians of the Holy Land have grappled with a complex web of tensions arising from their deep connection to the Land. This connection is not unique to them, but is shared with Jewish and Muslim communities, each of whom also claim profound spiritual and historical ties to this region. The Land, known variously as Palestine, Israel, or the Holy Land, holds immense significance for all three Abrahamic faiths, creating a multi-layered tapestry of religious importance. This universal veneration has led to pilgrimages, historical conquests, and the continual involvement of global powers, often resulting in complex interfaith dynamics and, at times, conflicts.

Local Christian populations find themselves navigating not only their own deep connection to the Land but also the competing claims and interests of other faith communities and international stakeholders. This situation often places them in a delicate position, balancing their unique perspective as indigenous Christians with the broader, sometimes conflicting, religious, and political narratives surrounding this deeply revered land.

In addition to the Arab Christian communities comprising native land inhabitants, the Holy Land’s perpetual allure as a destination for Christian pilgrims from around the world has led to the presence of a relatively large group of religious representatives from various parts of the globe who come to serve in this sacred region. These clergy members, including priests and religious men and women, resided in monasteries and churches scattered throughout the land. They engaged in a range of religious activities within local churches and holy sites, tending to the needs of the faithful and the pilgrims, and participating in spiritual practices such as prayer and study.

The Latin Catholic Church in the Holy Land did not hold significant power for many years. After the Crusader occupation and the subsequent Mamluk reconquest in 1260, the majority of the Christian communities remained Orthodox and regained control of the Orthodox Patriarchate (Pablitzsch and Baraz 2006). In 1217, the Custody of the Holy Land, known in Latin as Custodia Terræ Sanctæ, was established by the Latin Church (Jotischky 2015). This religious order was entrusted with the sacred duty of caring for and preserving the holy sites in Jerusalem. It was founded by Saint Francis of Assisi, the same visionary who established the Franciscan Order in 1209. The primary and solemn mission of the Custody of the Holy Land is to diligently oversee and protect the Holy Places on behalf of the Catholic Church. In 1342, the Franciscans received official recognition as the custodians of the Holy Places by two papal bulls (Jotischky 2015). This declaration granted them the responsibility and authority to protect and maintain these sacred sites in the name of the Catholic Church. Following the final collapse of the Second Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, in 1291, the title of Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem was transferred to the Custody (Colbi 1969). However, this title was held ex officio in Rome, while the Custody continued its activities in the Holy Land.

Until the eighteenth century, almost all Christians in the Holy Land belonged to Eastern Christianity, which included Orthodox Christianity and the Oriental churches. In the eighteenth century, various groups from within the Orthodox Church withdrew from their mother churches and united with the Catholic Church, albeit without giving up their Eastern traditions, customs, and modes of prayer (Galadza 2007). During the nineteenth century, European influence in the Holy Land expanded (Carmel 1985; Dowty 2014). The reforms in the Ottoman Empire (Tanzimat) in this period had a critical effect on the local Christian communities (Abu-Manneh 1990; Gerber 1987).

First and foremost, it allowed the non-Muslim population to have equal status as citizens in the Empire, while simultaneously permitting residency to foreigners. This policy led to a wave of pilgrimage and renewed religious interest in the Holy Land and its sacred sites (O’Mahony 2003a). Many Christian organizations came to the region and established missionary institutions (Papastathis 2019).

In July 1847, Pope Pius IX initiated the apostolic brief Nulla Celebrior that declared the restoration of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem—the Bishopric of Jerusalem. The establishment of the Latin Patriarchate in Jerusalem can be understood as a direct response to the earlier establishment of a Protestant diocese in the city (Colbi 1969). The presence of a Protestant diocese in Jerusalem posed a challenge to the authority and influence of the Catholic Church in the region. By creating the Latin Patriarchate, the Catholic Church aimed to strengthen its presence and consolidate its authority in Jerusalem. It allowed the Catholic Church to reassert its historical and spiritual connections to Jerusalem and reinforce its role as a significant religious institution in the Holy Land. The establishment of the Latin Patriarchate symbolized the Catholic Church’s commitment to safeguarding the interests of its followers in Jerusalem. It sought to provide pastoral care, spiritual guidance, and a sense of community for the Latin Catholic faithful in the face of challenges from other religious denominations. The presence of the Latin Patriarchate was instrumental in nurturing and preserving the Catholic identity within the diverse religious landscape of Jerusalem.

Despite its significance, the establishment of the Latin Patriarchate in Jerusalem faced opposition and resistance from different factions within the Catholic community. Among those who voiced their dissent were the Custos of the Holy Land, Gaudenzio Bonfigli, and the Greek Catholic Patriarch of Antioch, Maximos III Mazlum, who until then asserted his authority over all Catholics in the Middle East, irrespective of their affiliation with the Latin Church (Colbi 1969). The opposition to the Latin Patriarchate from these parties stemmed from differing perspectives on ecclesiastical authority and jurisdiction. The challenges faced by the Latin Patriarchate in gaining acceptance and asserting its authority reveal the intricate web of relationships and power dynamics that shaped the religious landscape of the Holy Land during that time.

At its inception, the Latin Catholic community in the Holy Land comprised roughly 4000 believers (Tsimhoni 1992). However, through dedicated missionary endeavors undertaken by the Latin Patriarchate, this community experienced steady growth. Over the course of a century, the number of Latin Church followers swelled to approximately 20,000 individuals (Tsimhoni 1992). Giuseppe Valerga (1813–1872), the first patriarch following the restoration of the Patriarchate, played a crucial role in fostering the expansion and development of the congregation (Colbi 1969). One of his key tactics involved reaching out to the Greek Orthodox community to encourage conversions to the Latin Catholic faith. This outreach was instrumental in broadening the reach and influence of the Latin Church in the region. Piere Medebielle—the Latin Patriarchate’s historian—justified, in his book The Diocese of the Latin Patriarchate, the outreach to the Greek Orthodox community and the subsequent conversions to the Latin Catholic faith by highlighting the perceived neglect of the dissidents by their own priests (Medebielle 1963). He argued that the Orthodox Patriarchate, being primarily focused on the Greek and foreign communities, showed little interest in addressing the spiritual needs of the local Arab population. As a result, dissidents themselves sought out the patriarchs and requested priests to serve their communities. According to Medebielle, it was this situation that motivated Mgr. Valerga and his successor to act. They felt compelled to respond to the pleas of the dissidents and provide them with the spiritual guidance and support they sought. The Latin Patriarchate sought to address the spiritual neglect it perceived and ensure that the local Arab community had access to priests who could serve them effectively. To support the growth of the community and facilitate its continued expansion, the Latin Patriarchate established missionary positions in various cities and villages (Colbi 1969). These positions served as bases for spreading the teachings and principles of the Latin Catholic faith, reaching individuals in diverse locations and promoting the presence of the Church beyond Jerusalem.

Recognizing the importance of local leadership and the need for a well-trained clergy, a seminary was established in Beit Jala under the auspices of the Latin Patriarchate. It played a pivotal role in training and equipping aspiring priests from the region. By nurturing local vocations, including the dedication of one to religious life, and empowering individuals to serve as priests within their own communities, the Latin Church demonstrated its commitment to fostering a sustainable and locally rooted clergy and religious congregations (religious societies with simple vows, in contradiction to orders in the strict sense).

Nonetheless, a significant cultural gap persisted between the Latin Patriarchate and the indigenous local community. This divide was rooted in a protracted process of Arabization within the local community, contrasted with the predominantly European leadership within the newly established patriarchate (Rubin-Levi 1998). The resulting tension stemming from this cultural disparity had a profound impact on the relationship between the Church’s representative body and the native local population (Neuhaus 1991).

During the British Mandate period, sectarianism was a significant aspect of the political landscape. The British rulers encouraged the Christian communities, which comprised about 10% of the population, to form political representation as a religious minority (Robson 2011; Tsimhoni 1992). The sectarianism that arose during this time has had a lasting impact on the national and political identity of Palestinian Christians, as it placed them in contrast to Muslims.

The complicated political situation in the region has sparked a great deal of tension within the broader Christian community in the Holy Land, prompting the need to define its position regarding the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Most local Christians see themselves as Palestinian Arabs, and some of them even take an active part in the national Palestinian struggle (O’Mahony 2003a). The Christian Palestinian communities have undergone frequent changes in the definition of their identity in recent decades, arising from their sensitive position vis-à-vis the Jewish majority on the one hand and the Muslim on the other.

Before the 1980s, local churches in the Holy Land had not actively engaged with national or political questions. This limited involvement was primarily due to the composition of their ecclesiastical leadership, which consisted largely of foreign clergy. Their primary commitment often prioritized the needs of pilgrims over those of the local communities (Khader 2007). While exceptions existed, such as the Greek Catholic and Maronite communities, explicit political statements from the churches were infrequent (Neuhaus 1991). The leadership of these churches was dedicated to preserving international church interests, sometimes at the expense of their connection with the local communities. Jerusalem’s special status in Christianity and the centrality of specific holy sites added layers of intricacy. Historically, the churches in Jerusalem served not only the local population but also, at times, exclusively catered to pilgrims and visiting clerics. Consequently, their commitment often aligned more closely with the leadership of their parent Church than with the local community.

This situation remained largely unchanged across almost all churches in the Holy Land until the late 1970s. It was during this period and throughout the 1980s that many Holy Land churches underwent a significant transformation. This transformation involved aligning themselves more closely with the local community, marking a pivotal moment in strengthening Palestinian identity within Christian communities (O’Mahony 2003b). These changes occurred in parallel with various global developments in Christianity, reflecting the evolving dynamics within the region.

In 1987, the Latin Catholic Church took a significant step in appointing, for the first time, a Palestinian Patriarch of Jerusalem—Michel Sabbah (b. 1933). Sabbah took upon himself, from his early days in this influential position, to be actively involved in politics, express a firm stand on the Palestinian question, and support the PLO (Marsh 2010). Hence, commencing in the 1990s, the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem underwent a notable transformation, increasingly aligning itself with the local Christian population. Despite its jurisdiction over diverse regions, encompassing Israel, the Palestinian Authority, Jordan, and Cyprus, which necessitates the delicate representation of numerous communities of believers under its authority, the Patriarchate’s representatives displayed a growing willingness to actively engage in the social, political, and identity-related matters that were preoccupied with the Arab and Palestinian communities in the Holy Land. This shift signaled a more proactive role in addressing the concerns and challenges faced by these communities.

2. Native Saints and the Process of Inculturation in the Catholic Church

Following the Second Vatican Council, there was a profound shift in the perception and role of saints within Catholicism. This shift occurred alongside broader changes in the Church’s approach to theology and culture (Doyle 2012). The themes of engagement with the world and inculturation gained prominence in various church documents (Gaudium et Spes 1965; Pope Paul VI 1964, para 17; Ad Gentes, para 10). Karl Rahner, a key figure in this context, emphasized that “culture is to be subordinated to the integral perfection of the human person, to the good of the community and of the whole society” (Rahner 1979). Pope John Paul II further developed this idea in Slavorum Apostoli (John Paul II 1985), defining inculturation as “the incarnation of the Gospel in native cultures and also the introduction of these cultures into the life of the Church”.

In this evolving context, saints were no longer primarily viewed as intermediaries between the believer and God; instead, they became regarded as role models and wellsprings of inspiration for others. These exceptional individuals assumed a new function in guiding and motivating individuals on their spiritual journeys. They possessed a unique ability to resonate with the historical context in which they lived, offering a remarkable testimony that held particular significance for the broader community of pilgrims. Their example wielded a direct and potent influence, serving as catalysts within the community, prompting others to recognize and emulate their virtuous lives (Johnson 2003). This shift in perspective resulted in an increased number of new saints and blessed individuals who were canonized, possibly as a response to the revised theological status of saints following the Vatican Council.

Pope John Paul II played a pivotal role in this transformative process, actively working to enhance the representation of various segments within the Catholic Church. This effort encompassed laypeople, candidates from regions with few or no saints, and those who represented professions or communities lacking saints to commemorate and emulate (Woodward 1990). The Pope’s aim was to diversify and expand the pantheon of recognized saints to reflect the global and multifaceted nature of the Catholic Church.

Pope John Paul II’s vision for the canonization of new saints was closely related to his perception of the evolving global Church. He articulated this concept in a 1997 homily when he said the following: “In the lives of those who, sharing in our humanity, are however more perfectly transformed into the image of Christ, God vividly manifests His presence and His face to men” (Lumen Gentium (Pope Paul VI 1964)). Through the process of canonization, which involved saints from various regions, cultures, and social backgrounds, John Paul II aimed to create a more inclusive Church. His goal was to fashion a Church capable of addressing the entire world and embodying the universal message of Christ (Felak 2014).

To facilitate the increase in the number of saints, Pope John Paul II initiated in 1983 a reform of the legal structure governing the beatification and canonization processes (Code of Canon Low (John Paul II 1983)). This reform sought to align the system with the Papal vision for canonization activities. Its primary objectives were to streamline and expedite both the beatification and canonization processes. Beatification is the formal declaration that someone who has passed away lived a holy life, typically serving as the first stage in the process of declaring that person a saint. Canonization, on the other hand, is the formal process by which the Church declares a person to be a saint, worthy of universal veneration. By implementing these reforms, Pope John Paul II aimed to encourage, expand, and modernize the canonization procedures.

One of the most significant outcomes of this reform was the considerable acceleration of the entire procedure. This acceleration was achieved through the amalgamation of ordinary apostolic processes and the reduction in the number of required miracles for beatification and canonization, now set at one for each. Under the previous legislation, the investigation could only begin fifty years after the death of the candidate for sainthood. With the new rules, the process could commence after just five years. As a result, individuals who had more recently passed away were elevated to sainthood, creating a chronological proximity between their lives and the testimonies of witnesses who could attest to their exceptional virtues (Ciciliot 2018). This proximity made the models of holiness more relevant and applicable to contemporary society. Furthermore, this reform decentralized the process, reducing the authority of the bishop in the canonization process. It reinstated the concept of “bishop’s canonization” while diminishing the Roman and papal prerogatives. This change represented an ambivalent development, seeking to strike a balance between central and peripheral authority.

The reform also emphasized the importance of examining the life, virtues, or martyrdom of a candidate for sainthood historically, with a strong focus on their heroic virtues. This aspect downplayed the significance of miracles, which had already seen their required numbers reduced by half. Additionally, miracles were canceled as a requirement if the candidate for beatification was a martyr. The decision to recognize someone as a saint is also significant for church–state relations, and reflects shifting socio-cultural concepts of moral values (Woodward 1990).

Fr. Joe Daoust, SJ, the head of the Jesuit community on Pine Ridge, elucidated in an interview with Damian Costello and Jon M. Sweeney for America: The Jesuit Review on 1 October 2017, the significance of elevating native saints. He pointed out that indigenous peoples not only receive gifts through their conversion to Catholicism but also contribute unique gifts of their own, enriching the Church’s understanding of how God works in the world.

3. A Modern Hagiography: The Life Story of Marie Alphonsine Daniel Ghattas as Written in 1935 and 1989

The cult of a saint, and the associated hagiographical writing, cannot be understood apart from its place and function within the context, which often sought to link the sacred and the profane.

(Mitchell and Greg 2015)

As is common practice, the life story of St. Marie Alphonsine was not written during her lifetime. It was only after her death that a Benedictine brother named Benedict Stolz, from the Jerusalem Patriarchate, took an interest in investigating her life story, with the assistance of the sisters of the Congregation of the Rosary. Stolz studied Marie Alphonsin’s diaries and conducted interviews with those who knew her. According to his writings, he was astonished to discover that this unknown sister was, in fact, the true founder of the Congregation of the Rosary, the first Arab congregation. In his findings, he noted the following: “With the help of the assembled material, I tried to draw up a short account of the life of the sister… the fact struck me… Sister Alphonsus enters the Congregation she herself founded as its tenth member” (Stolz 1968). Stolz’s account of Marie Alphonsine’s life story, titled A Hand Made of the Holy Rosary: Mother Marie Alphonsus of the Rosary, First Founder of an Arab Congregation, was published in 1935. However, in 1987, a more comprehensive biography of her life was published by Pierre Duvignau under the imprimatur of the Patriarch of Jerusalem (Duvignau 1987). While the main narrative in both publications aligned closely, Duvignau’s account was more extensive and claimed to be more accurate, as he remarked that Stolz’s story, although commendable, leaned more towards piety than strict historical accounts.

The following is a concise retelling of St. Marie Alphonsine’s life story, as narrated by Stolz, with additional details from Duvignau:

Marie Alphonsine, originally named Sultanah Mariam Daniel Ghattas, was born in Jerusalem in 1843 to a devout Catholic family. She received her education at the St. Joseph Sisters School. According to Duvignau’s account, at the age of nine, shortly after receiving the sacrament of Confirmation, Sultanah and a select group of other pupils were brought before the Patriarch of Jerusalem. The Patriarch spoke to them about the great value of religious vocation. Sultana, moved by this encounter, decided that her destiny lay in “religious life” (of a sister or a nun). However, when she shared her conviction with her father, he vehemently refused, expressing his unwillingness to allow his daughter to leave Palestine. Stolz also relates her father’s refusal to the fact there were no native Arab congregations at the time. Consequently, if Sultana wished to pursue her calling, she would have to travel to France (or elsewhere) and become one of the first modern Palestinian women to do so. According to Stolz, this notion was “incomprehensible to the Arab mind as it was to the Jews before the birth of our Savior”. Only when her father suffers a severe, work-related injury and prayed to Mary to save his life does he reconsider his stance. Through this experience, he came to recognize the need to allow his daughter to join religious life. He approached the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem and the provincial mother of the sisters of St. Joseph, requesting that Sultana be allowed to make her religious vows (of poverty, chastity, and obedience) in Jerusalem. In an exceptional decision, the Patriarch confirmed Sultana’s entry into the Congregation of the sisters of St. Joseph in Jerusalem, and she took her first religious vows, marking her first step towards embracing the religious life, on the hill of Golgotha.

Upon entering the convent, the religious community of sisters, Sultana adopted the name Marie Alphonsine. As a member of the Congregation, Marie Alphonsine was assigned to teach at a girls’ school in Jerusalem. In 1874, while praying the Rosary in one of the school classrooms, she had a profound experience: the blessed Virgin Mary revealed herself to her.

This encounter marked the inception of a series of Marian apparitions, wherein the Virgin Mary appeared to her and provided instructions to establish the Rosary Congregation. Marie Alphonsine recorded in her diary how Mary appeared to her surrounded by countless virgins dressed in her attire. Later, St. Joseph, Jesus’ earthly father and the spouse of the Virgin Mary, also appeared to her and confirmed that she should leave his congregation and establish the Rosary Congregation, as it would be an honor for him to have the founder of the new congregation emerging from his order.

Unsure of how to proceed, Marie Alphonsine sought guidance from the Virgin Mary, who instructed her to seek help from Father Tannous, who, in 1868, became the secretary of the Patriarch, and, in 1871, he was appointed to the Cannon of the Holy Sepulcher. Father Tanus, who originated from a Catholic family in Nazareth, had become a priest under the auspices of the renewed Patriarchate in Jerusalem. Eager to assist, Father Tanus used his status and connections to facilitate the establishment of the Rosary Congregation.

In 1880, the Rosary Congregation welcomed its first members in a special ceremony, with Father Tanus playing a pivotal role in the process. Marie Alphonsine’s profound spiritual experiences and her collaboration with Father Tanus became essential foundations for the growth and development of the Rosary Congregation. After witnessing the successful establishment of the Rosary Congregation, Marie Alphonsine decided to leave the Congregation of St. Joseph and join the new congregation. However, she faced resistance from her former Congregation, and she sought the intervention of the Cardinal overseeing this issue in Rome. As a result, Marie Alphonsine had to return home and await a decision from Rome regarding her case. With great agony and after three years had passed, in 1883 she finally became the tenth sister of the newly established Rosary Congregation. Unfortunately, Marie Alphonsine’s reputation suffered, as she left her former Congregation of St. Joseph, in a public and, for some, too blatant a manner, Father Tanus decided to appoint her biological sister, Tecla, as the mother of the convent instead of her. Tecla, a Syrian nun who had served as a nurse in the Congregation in Nazareth, adopted the name Rosalie upon joining the Rosary Congregation.

After joining the convent, Marie Alphonsine dedicated herself to teaching and educating the girls in the community. She also traveled extensively throughout the Holy Land, establishing new schools, all the while being accompanied by the miracles attributed to her. Marie Alphonsine passed away in 1927 at the Convent’s house in Ein Karem.

Having delved into the story of Marie Alphonsine’s life, it is imperative to explore another crucial aspect: the canonization process that ultimately led to her recognition as a saint.

4. The Process of Canonization

At the time Stolz wrote Alphonse’s hagiography, the process of her canonization had not begun. However, in 1986, a formal diocesan investigation into Marie Alphonsine’s case was initiated, spurred by the sisters of the congregation of the Rosary and the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, marking a significant turning point. This investigation, conducted in line with changes in the Catholic Church’s process of saint-making, was later validated in 1989 (Divinus Perfectionis Magister (John Paul II 1989)). Two years later, a comprehensive document known as the Positio, meticulously chronicling her life, virtuous qualities, and the compelling evidence of her sanctity, was submitted to the Congregation for the Causes of Saints (CCS).1 The Positio holds a pivotal role in the evaluation and deliberation process undertaken by the CCS, which assesses the qualifications of candidates for sainthood. The purpose of this inquiry was to collect evidence and testimonials in support of her potential canonization as a saint in the Catholic Church. Upon the validation of the diocesan inquiry, further steps were taken in the canonization process. Dovignau’s 1986 portrayal of the life of Marie Alphonsine aimed to advance her journey toward sainthood. It placed a significant emphasis on the miraculous acts attributed to her and sought to infuse her life’s narrative with a sense of historical inquiry. These developments were indicative of the Catholic Church’s commitment to a more rigorous and evidence-based approach to recognizing and venerating saints. Both Stolz and Dovignau mention the importance of having a historical record of her life for this since. Dovignau finishes his publication by saying the following: “May we soon see the Vicar of Christ officially recognize these virtues and add a new Flower to the Church of Jerusalem”.

Marie Alphonsine’s hagiography followed a pattern that was common in the Catholic Church, particularly in the genre of saints’ vitas. These narratives often incorporated elements and themes from previously established and revered accounts of saints in her time (Woodward 1990). Thus, for instance, Duvignau notes in his writing the striking analogies between Marie Alphonsine and Bernadette Soubirous, a French saint who lived between 1844 and 1879 and was canonized in 1933. He explained how, as follows:

“Both had been gratified by a series of apparitions of Our Lady in which the rosary holds a special place. In both cases the apparition had a well determined mission for their purpose. Once this mission had been confided, the apparition stopped. The privileged person goes back into the shadows”.

In essence, the process of adapting previous saints’ stories into Alphonsine’s hagiography demonstrated the rich tapestry of saintly traditions within the Catholic Church. It highlighted how different stories and elements from the lives of various saints could come together to shape a new narrative, emphasizing the enduring importance of these hagiographies in the spiritual and cultural life of the Church. Thus, for instance, the phenomenon of Marian apparitions serves as a means through which individuals from marginalized segments of society can unexpectedly rise to prominence and wield influence that their social standing would not typically afford them (Boss 2022). Moreover, the proliferation of women’s religious congregations in the 19th century facilitated numerous women in pursuing work and attaining positions of authority that would otherwise have remained inaccessible to them (Dunn 1978). With the surge of new congregations of sisters in the 19th century, the Church has been inundated with requests for the recognition of female founders (Woodward 1990). This phenomenon, a response to the call for renewal during Vatican Council II, reflects ongoing efforts to uphold the intentions and identities of these religious congregations. Recognizing these dynamics provides crucial context for examining the selection and veneration of saints, especially women, and their influence on the Catholic Church. In response to Vatican Council II, it was noted that all religious congregations received instructions to reinvigorate their sense of identity and commitment in alignment with their founders’ original vision. Consequently, the congregation has been inundated with requests on behalf of founders, the majority of whom are women.

According to Willy Jansen and Catrien Notermans, there are recurring patterns that can be observed in the development of pilgrimage sites associated with the Virgin Mary that also resonate with the narrative of Alphonsine (Jansen and Notermans 2010). These common elements include the youth and gender of the person who experiences the apparition, their close connection to a religious community during their upbringing, and the specific location where the divine revelation takes place. Similarly, Alphonsine’s life story bears resemblance to the stories of other saints who were seen as following in the footsteps of the Holy Mary.

On 15 October 1994, His Holiness Pope John Paul II made a significant announcement acknowledging the heroic virtues of Mother Marie Alphonsine, a pivotal step in her path to sainthood within the Catholic Church. The following year, in 1995, she was officially proclaimed “Venerable”, marking her elevated status within the Church due to her exceptional virtue and holiness. Subsequently, on 22 November 2009, another significant milestone was reached when one of her miracles was recognized, and she was beatified in Nazareth, a momentous event that celebrated her blessed status and recognized her intercessory power within the faith. Then, in May 2015, the culmination of her journey occurred as she was canonized, officially becoming a recognized saint in the Catholic Church. This canonization affirmed her sanctity and her significance within the religious community.

5. St. Marie Alphonsine as a Bridge

This is a vital consideration when exploring the life of a saint, since in popular hagiographic writings, it is not the particular saint that is necessarily the focus of attention, but rather the manifestation of a virtue or a model of a role such as virgin, missionary-bishop, spiritual mystic, martyr, or miracle-worker.

(Mitchell and Greg 2015)

Applying a new historicist lens to the hagiographies of St. Marie Alphonsine by Stolz and Duvignau reveals a complex dialogical engagement both within and with the past. As Ankersmit (2001) articulates, historical praxis involves a dialogue within the past, where each historical moment is characterized by a conflict of voices, and a dialogue with the past, where historians engage in a conversation with historical events and figures. It does not only explore the saint herself but also delves into the evolution of the Latin Catholic Patriarchate in the Holy Land throughout history. Therefore, this section aims to shift the focus from St. Alphonsine to those who wrote about her. By tracing the development of Marie Alphonsine’s hagiography, we can gain insights into the Latin Patriarchate during four distinct historical periods: the establishment of the Patriarchate during Alphonsine’s lifetime, the 1930s with the writing of Stolz, the late 1980s with the work of Duvignau, and the 2000s with the publication of her life story after she received blessed status in 2009 and was canonized in 2015.

This approach allows for a comprehensive understanding of not only the saint herself but also the broader context in which her story has been told and the changes that have occurred within the Latin Catholic Patriarchate over time. Each source offers a unique perspective and sheds light on the priorities, values, and perspectives of the writers at the time of their respective works (Gallagher and Greenblatt 2000). By examining the different eras in which her story was documented, we can discern the shifting focus and emphasis given to various aspects of Marie Alphonsine’s life story and the evolving narrative surrounding her.

It is worth noting that Marie Alphonsine’s life story appears to mirror the growth of the Patriarchate. As the Patriarchate extended its reach throughout the Holy Land, Marie Alphonsine traveled to various villages and regions to impart knowledge to children and women in those areas. Similarly, the religious congregation she founded began as a small and humble institution but eventually grew to exert significant influence over the entire region. This parallel development between Marie Alphonsine’s life and the expansion of the Patriarchate highlights the interconnectedness of their histories and the profound impact they had on the local Christian communities in the Holy Land.

Duvignau’s deliberate choice to begin his publication by highlighting the restoration of the Latin Patriarchate, the establishment of a congregation, and the creation of a diocesan seminary during the mid-nineteenth century signified not only a historical event but also a transformative renewal of Christian life in the Holy Land. By placing emphasis on these pivotal developments, Duvignau underscores their profound significance in rejuvenating the Catholic presence and practice in the region. The restoration of the Latin Patriarchate, after a period of decline and challenges, symbolizes a renewed commitment to the Catholic faith and a revitalization of ecclesiastical authority in the Holy Land. As Duvignau explains, “Catholic Jerusalem was then in the process of complete transformation”.

When examining the historical context and the contrasting perspectives of Stolz and Duvignau in their writings about the Latin Patriarchate in Jerusalem, it becomes apparent that these two authors were responding to distinct challenges and priorities that the Patriarchate faced during their respective periods. One of the most crucial ones was the need to prove the essentials needed for the Patriarchate.

One of these prominent concerns, as highlighted in Stolz’s writings, was the ongoing tension and competition with the Protestant communities. Stolz mentioned the dangers posed by the presence of Protestants and their influence on the Catholic community in the Holy Land. This reflects the broader ecclesiastical landscape of his time, where the Latin Patriarchate likely perceived the Protestant movement as a significant challenge to its influence and authority. Thus, for example, Stolz points out that there was a need for an organization that could support the vulnerable girls within the community. According to Stolz, many of these girls, in their quest to earn a livelihood, were compelled to work in unfamiliar households, including those under Protestant influence, and thus, “their faith often faltered, and moral dangers abounded”. A particularly noteworthy incident recounted by Stolz was the miraculous intervention of Marie Alphonsine in saving an Orthodox girl who had fallen into a well. This act not only demonstrated her saintly attributes but also led to the conversion of the girl, her Protestant teacher, and their entire family to Catholicism, and the closure of the Protestant school.

The dialogical engagement with the past and within the past is evident in Duvignau’s reframing of the Patriarchate’s restoration as a transformative renewal, while Stolz’s narrative engages in a dialogue within his present, addressing the competing voices of Catholicism and Protestantism through his portrayal of Marie Alphonsine’s miraculous interventions and their consequences.

Two significant motifs stand out within the life story of St. Marie Alphonsine, providing unique insights into her spiritual journey and significance. The first notable motif is her resemblance to the Virgin Mary. The second is her deep connection to the Holy Land and its holy sites. These themes are repeatedly emphasized by both Stolz and Duvignau, underscoring the special relationship between St. Marie Alphonsine and the Virgin Mary.

The resemblance of St. Marie Alphonsine to the Virgin Mary is a striking aspect of her life story. It portrays her as a figure who shares qualities, virtues, or experiences reminiscent of the Blessed Mother. Stolz specifically highlights this resemblance, emphasizing the spiritual affinity between St. Marie Alphonsine and the Virgin Mary. This resemblance may encompass various aspects such as purity, devotion, compassion, or even specific events in their lives. For instance, Stolz observes in surprise that the first ten chapters of Marie Alphonsine’s biography align with the ten mysteries of the Rosary. In chapter ten, she enters the Congregation she herself established and receives her habit, the religious clothing of the congregation, on Mount Calvary, which is associated with the tenth mystery of the Rosary. The fact that this pivotal moment in her life occurred at the same location not only links her narrative with the mysteries of the Rosary, but also underscores the profound connection between her personal journey and the geographical context of the Holy Land. Perhaps the most important aspect of this connection can be found in the saying of the Virgin Mary to Marie Alphonsine, as follows: “In this very Land I had my joy, my sorrow, and my glories. By you and through you, I want to revel my power”.

St. Marie Alphonsine’s deep connection to the Holy Land and its sacred sites is a significant element of her narrative. According to Stolz and Duvignau, being born and raised in Jerusalem, she had a profound attachment to the Land where Jesus Christ lived, ministered, and sacrificed. This connection to the Holy Land and its holy sites is not only a geographical or historical association but also a spiritual and emotional bond. Stolz and Duvignau underscore her special affinity for the holy sites, portraying her as someone who intimately understood their significance and drew spiritual nourishment from them. Duvignau’s emphasis on the fact that Mary Alphonsine received her religious habit in Calvary could be seen as if Christ gave her “the signal grace”.

The emphasis placed on St. Marie Alphonsine’s connection to the Virgin Mary and the Holy Land serves multiple purposes within her hagiography. Firstly, it highlights her exceptional spiritual qualities and the role she played as a conduit for divine grace and blessings. Secondly, it deepens her relatability to the wider Catholic community, as the Virgin Mary and the Holy Land hold a central stance within Catholic devotion and theology. This connection strengthens the sense of unity and resonance between St. Marie Alphonsine’s life story and the experiences of devout believers.

These motifs contribute to the broader understanding of the Latin Catholic Patriarchate’s mission and the development of a vibrant and distinct Catholic identity in the Holy Land. By emphasizing St. Marie Alphonsine’s resemblance to the Virgin Mary and her deep connection to the Holy Land, the hagiographers affirm the significance of these spiritual elements within the Patriarchate and the local community.

In a sense, St. Marie Alphonsine’s life story revolves around her significant role as a bridge between the newly established Latin Patriarchate and the local community. Stolz also notes that prior to the establishment of the Patriarchate, the Ghattas family had been serving as translators for the Franciscans for centuries. This emphasis repeats throughout Alphonsine’s hagiography both in the writing of Stolz and in that of Duvignau. One of the most notable indications of the emphasis on mediation and connection with the local community can be observed in the appointment of Marie Alphonsine to oversee the education of children and the teaching of the catechism. Both Stolz and Duvignau emphasized, on various occasions, the importance of her fluency in the Arabic language and her profound ties to the local culture, which enabled her to effectively engage with the local population. With that, Arabic language instruction was essential for their education, and Marie Alphonsine’s local background, along with that of her fellow sisters in the Rosary Congregation, facilitated their acceptance and accessibility within the community. Both Stolz and Duvignau emphasize the excitement and appreciation of the local communities upon discovering that the prayers offered by the sisters were in Arabic, a language that they could understand for the first time. Marie Alphonsine’s familiarity with the Muslim community and its customs held a special significance as well, according to Stolz and Duvignau. It was perceived as a valuable advantage because it allowed her to navigate the complexities of coexistence and engagement with the Muslim majority in the region. From the perspective of the Patriarchate, her understanding of Islam and its practices was seen as a means of safeguarding their own community from any negative influences that might arise from living in a predominantly Muslim environment.

The role of local bridging, particularly for marginalized groups like women and children, emerges as a central theme in understanding the significance of figures like Marie Alphonsine and the mission of the Rosary Congregation within the Patriarchate. Both Duvignau and Stolz highlight the vital importance of having a local and indigenous presence to effectively engage with and provide education to the Arab Christian community. Duvignau’s account in Transjordan illustrates the challenges faced by priests in reaching out to women within the community, especially those who had converted to Catholicism following their husbands. The cultural and social barriers made it difficult for priests to establish contact and provide religious instruction to these women. The assistance of the sisters, including Marie Alphonsine, was sought precisely because they were seen as uniquely capable of connecting with and educating this group of women. Stolz also put an emphasis on the need for a local and indigenous congregation to reach the Arab Christian community, reinforcing the idea that individuals like Marie Alphonsine, who shared the same cultural and linguistic background as the community they served, were essential. The education of Arab Christian girls and women was a mission that native sisters were uniquely qualified to undertake.

The citation from Patriarch Valerga, as highlighted by Duvignau, underscores the significance of nurturing religious vocations within the Holy Land: “[A] country is not profoundly Catholic unless it nurtures vocations to the ecclesiastical state and the religious life”. It reflects the belief that a truly Catholic community is one that not only practices the faith but also contributes to the formation of vocations to the ecclesiastical state and religious life. In this sense, Marie Alphonsin’s bridging role mirrors the symbolic significance of the Holy Mary as a bridge between the divine and humanity. Just as the Holy Mary acts as a bridge between heaven and earth, Marie Alphonsine serves as a conduit between the newly established Latin Patriarchate and the local community, fostering a sense of unity, understanding, and shared purpose. By embracing her role as a cultural bridge, Marie Alphonsine becomes an invaluable asset in the establishment and growth of the Latin Catholic community in the Holy Land.

6. St. Marie Alphonsine and the Identity of the Local Christian Community, 1992–2015

The emergence of figures like Marie Alphonsine as a bridge between the Patriarchate and the local community was a response to the significant cultural gap that existed between the two entities. This gap that existed between the newly established Patriarchate and the indigenous local community was a consequence of two parallel processes: Arabization and the leadership composition of the Patriarchate. Arabization, as a long-term process, gradually transformed the local community’s cultural and linguistic identity. Over time, the indigenous population had become more deeply rooted in their Arab identity, which encompassed language, customs, and traditions. This shift towards Arabization was especially prominent in contrast to the European churchmen who primarily led the renewed Patriarchate. Conversely, the leadership of the Patriarchate, predominantly composed of European church figures, brought with it a different cultural background. European churchmen often represented a Western Christian tradition that was distinct from the cultural and religious heritage of the Arab Christian community in the Holy Land.

The transformations that the Patriarchate of Jerusalem underwent, particularly starting in the 1980s, are reflected in the evolving narrative surrounding Marie Alphonsine. This evolution became more pronounced following her declaration of Beatitude and, even more significantly, after she was canonized as a saint in 2015. This shifting narrative exemplifies what Stephen Greenblatt terms the “circulation of social energy”, where cultural meanings are continuously negotiated and renegotiated across different historical moments (Greenblatt 1988). The evolving portrayal of Marie Alphonsine thus serves as a lens through which we can observe the changing dynamics within the Patriarchate and the broader Catholic Church.

As the composition of the faithful within the Patriarchate became increasingly local, so did the perspective and attitude towards Marie Alphonsine. Initially, she was viewed as a figure bridging the gap between the foreign Patriarchate and the local community. However, this perception shifted over time, with her being seen as a representative of both the Patriarchate and the community as one unity. The shift in emphasis from the promised land and the Patriarchate’s connection to the Land to a focus on the local community and its significance in the Holy Land, as evident in Fr. Rafik Khoury’s book about Marie Alphonsine’s life, represents a significant evolution in the narrative surrounding the Latin Patriarchate and the role of saints in the Holy Land. Khoury explained as follows:

“This holiness has been manifested from generation to generation, beginning with the Virgin Mary and continuing through the apostles, martyrs, confessors, monks, and virgins […] Simply perusing the book of the Saints’ Day in the Church of Jerusalem reveals these successive generations of saints, both male and female, in this blessed land” (Khoury 2009).

For Khoury, Marie Alphonsine’s canonization demonstrates that sanctity transcends cultural shifts and linguistic changes and remains an integral part of the local Christian identity. Her recognition as a saint serves as a powerful testament to the enduring faith and spirituality of the local Christian communities in the Holy Land. It signifies that the Christian heritage in the region is not confined to a specific cultural or linguistic framework but is a living tradition that continues to thrive and evolve as Khoury argues that the canonization of Marie Alphonsine, with Mariam Baouardy and Sam’an Srugi,2 “proves that holiness is not confined to one specific people but extends to all of humanity, and it is also evident in the Arabic community”.

This shift in perspective is rooted in the struggle of the local Christian community within the Patriarchate to establish the local community’s position, not just as representatives of the broader church or caretakers of holy sites and pilgrims. Unlike other indigenous saints, who often receive their status of sainthood concurrently with the church’s desire to become a global institution welcoming diverse groups, the Christian community in the Holy Land sees itself as the historical cradle of Christianity. It does not consider itself a new or peripheral community but rather the very heart of the Christian faith (Raveh 2022).

Consequently, contrasting other indigenous saints who become central symbols of their respective communities, Marie Alphonsine did not occupy such a central role.3 While there are celebrations and events dedicated to her, and the Rosary Congregation she founded is deeply ingrained in local life, she herself did not attain the status of a central or primary saint. This is largely because the Christian community in the Holy Land tends to see figures like the Virgin Mary, the Holy Family, and other saints from the broader Christian tradition as representative of their identity as indigenous inhabitants of the Land.

While local writings about Marie Alphonsine underscore the existing gap between the local community and the Patriarchate, they also emphasize the local community’s need for robust religious leadership, which was partially fulfilled by the establishment of the Patriarchate. Patriarch Michel Sabbah explained in a pastoral letter on the occasion of the centennial of the death of Fr. Tannous that “the faith of the faithful was simple and strong, but it also suffered from ignorance and a lack of religious education”. However, it is worth noting that the writings of Michel Sabbah and Rafik Khoury do not diminish the value of the local community, even considering the challenges of limited religious education. For instance, Michel Sabbah highlights the significant place of the poor in close proximity to God.

The declaration of the canonization of two Palestinian sisters, Mariam of Jesus Crucified Baouardy—also known as Mary of Jesus Crucified, who was born in 1846 in the town of Hurfeish in Upper Galilee, and was a member of the Discalced Carmelite Order within the Melkite Greek Catholic Church—and Marie Alphonsine Daniel Ghattas, on 17 May 2015, was a momentous occasion for the Palestinian Christian community. Saint Peter’s Square was filled with Palestinian flags, as thousands of pilgrims from Palestine and Israel attended the mass. The evening event was also honored by an official delegation from the Palestinian Authority, headed by Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas, an official Israeli delegation, and representative bishops from different Arab countries.

The recognition of the two saints held significant symbolic importance for acknowledging the local community and giving it a voice. References to her life and status as a saint became intertwined with the complex reality of Christian existence in the Holy Land, particularly within the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Her recognition served as a symbol of resilience and continuity for the local Christian community amid the challenges of the region’s turbulent history. As Patriarch Fouad Twal stated: “we have two more saints in heaven, interceding for their country, praying for their people and for the peace that yet to come”.4 The Patriarch’s statement highlights the enduring significance of the canonized Palestinian saints, including St. Marie Alphonsine, in the spiritual life of the Palestinian community. His emphasis on their intercessory role suggests that these saints continue to act as advocates for their homeland, seeking divine intervention and blessings on behalf of their fellow Palestinians. This view underscores the belief that the saints not only hold a special place in the hearts of the faithful but also actively contribute to the well-being and aspirations of the Palestinian people.

It is noteworthy that in Fr. Rafik Khoury’s writings, there is a conspicuous absence of references to potential dangers or conflicts with Islam, a contrast to the narratives presented by both Stolz and Duvignau. Instead, Khoury’s accounts seem to position Marie Alphonsine as a representative of the Palestinian people as a whole in their pursuit of justice and their broader struggle. This portrayal aligns more closely with the narrative of Palestinian identity and the quest for justice rather than emphasizing potential tensions with other religious communities.

The symbolic and even political application of this canonization can be seen also in the way different news channels referred to the event and described the two new saints. Should they be called the first Palestinian or Arab saints, or, as representatives from the Palestinian Christian community argue, the first Palestinian saints in modern times, as Mary, Paul, and St. Gorge are all Palestinians? Where they are evidence of “Christian flourishing lives in Israel”, as the Israeli government claimed, or rather as “a very distinctive dimension to our (Palestinian) national struggle”, as President Abbas declared in a speech before the event?

The timing of the canonization event also holds significant political and symbolic implications. It is essential to take note of the chosen date for the canonization, which closely coincided with a visit of Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian President, to the Vatican. During this visit, joint agreements were signed between the Catholic Church and the Palestinian Authority (Hammer 2017). The proximity of these two events cannot be easily overlooked, as they are intertwined in their significance. The canonization ceremony, where the world learned about the sainthood of two Palestinian women, occurred immediately following the signing of these agreements. This juxtaposition carries a powerful message, serving as a notable example of the intersection between religion, politics, and diplomacy.

In an interview with Al-Quds Al-Arabi, published on 16 May 2015, in an article titled “The Vatican’s Recognition of Palestine and the Elevation of Two of Its Nuns to the Dignity of Saints” (Arabic), Basel Ghattas, a Christian Israeli Arab politician, expressed his joy, stating, “I am very happy because the beatification of the two Palestinian sisters coincides with the Vatican’s recognition of Palestine and the anniversary of the Nakba”.

In this context, the canonization of Marie Alphonsine serves as a poignant reminder of the enduring presence of Palestinian Christians and their role in the broader Palestinian struggle. It also highlights the Vatican’s engagement with the Palestinian cause and its willingness to use its religious authority to support political and diplomatic efforts.

7. Conclusions

The canonization of Marie Alphonsine was not an isolated event, but rather part of a larger transformation occurring within the Catholic Church. It reflects the changing demographics of the Church, with a significant shift towards the global South as the primary source of its believers, as opposed to the Western world. This shift is particularly relevant in the context of the Holy Land, where the local Christian community sees themselves as the direct heirs of the original church and the apostolic tradition. Christianity has deep historical roots in the Holy Land, dating back to the time of Jesus. However, over time, various processes, such as Arabization and a growing disconnect from the Western Catholic Church, have contributed to the perception of the local Christian population as a marginalized community.

The re-establishment of the Latin Patriarchate in Jerusalem, occurring concurrently with changes within the broader Catholic Church, highlights this tension. Furthermore, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict has a significant impact on the relationship between the Church and the local Christian community. Many Palestinians express frustration over what they view as insufficient support from the Western Christian world for the Palestinian cause. Some argue that the Church’s post-Holocaust stance toward Judaism indirectly legitimizes Israel’s actions in the region.

Marie Alphonsine’s life story provides valuable insights into these complex dynamics. Her journey, as recounted across different historical periods, offers a deeper understanding of the diverse challenges faced by the Patriarchate over time. Marie Alphonsine and the Rosary Congregation exemplify the importance of a local religious congregation serving as a bridge between the ecclesiastical leadership and the local community. Their fluency in the language and deep cultural immersion enable them to connect with and influence the community effectively. As of today, the Congregation numbers about 260 sisters. It operates in 63 different centers throughout the Arab world with most of them located in Israel, Palestine, and Jordan. The Generalate of the Congregation is situated in Beit Hanina, an Arab Palestinian neighborhood in East Jerusalem.

This study of St. Marie Alphonsine’s hagiography demonstrates the rich potential of applying contemporary theoretical approaches to hagiographic studies. By examining her life story through the lens of new historicism and across multiple historical periods, we gain insights not only into the saint herself but also into the evolving priorities of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, the changing dynamics of local Christian communities in the Holy Land, and the complex interplay between religion, culture, and politics in the region. This approach aligns with Orsi’s emphasis on the importance of studying saints within their social and cultural contexts (Orsi 2005), and Dunn’s exploration of gender dynamics in hagiography (Dunn 1978). Our analysis reveals how hagiographies function as living texts that are continually reinterpreted and repurposed to address contemporary concerns. As such, this study contributes to a growing body of scholarship that views hagiographies not merely as religious texts, but as dynamic cultural artifacts that offer valuable insights into the societies that produce and venerate them. Future research in this field might further explore how the hagiographies of other local saints in different global contexts reflect similar processes of cultural negotiation and identity formation.