Western Traditions and Eastern Practices: Historical Examples and Political Interpretation in Vagnone’s Western Learning of Governance

Abstract

This paper explores how the Jesuit missionary Alfonso Vagnone selected, interpreted, and presented historical examples in The Western Learning of Governance (Zhiping xixue 治平西学) to support their political theories and viewpoints. It analyzes how this cross-cultural knowledge exchange aimed at facilitating the interaction and integration of Chinese and Western political thought. When choosing historical examples, Vagnone reduced the religious elements and highlighted the secular dimension and the Western political principles which align with the political practices of the Ming dynasty. This process demonstrates cultural adaptation and adjustment. By comparing Western and Eastern interpretations of the same historical examples, this paper illustrates how missionaries used these examples to bridge Western and Eastern political thought, promoting their interaction and integration.

1. Introduction

The Western Learning of Governance (Zhiping xixue 治平西学) was co-authored by the Jesuit missionary Alfonso Vagnone (1568–1640) and late Ming scholars, aiming to introduce Western political and ethical thought to Chinese rulers and scholars.1 A notable feature of this work is its extensive use of political maxims to introduce Western political ideas, though it does not explicitly indicate an intention by Vagnone to influence Chinese governance and political ethics. Zhiping xixue is composed of Zhizheng yuanben, Wangyi wenhe, Wangzheng xuchen, and Zhimin xixue (in two Volumes). Zhizheng yuanben primarily discusses the sources of monarchical political power and the virtues a ruler should possess, such as benevolence, kindness, grace, tolerance, and justice. Wangyi wenhe explains the behaviors necessary for maintaining monarchical power, including gentleness, humility, integrity, and honesty. Zhimin xixue (volume I) describes methods for positively guiding the populace through taxation, laws, and education, while the second volume addresses how to prevent the populace from engaging in gambling, drunkenness, and debauchery. Wangzheng xuchen consists of seven chapters, six of which focus on the responsibilities and duties of ministers. It emphasizes that effective governance requires the assistance of ministers. When selecting ministers, one should not choose too many, and they should not be overly intelligent or excessively righteous; older candidates are preferable to younger ones. Furthermore, ministers should be adept at keeping secrets, maintaining harmony, and making balanced decisions without rushing. Lastly, the text advises that in political deliberations, the sovereign should be fair, trust the majority, avoid favoritism towards a single individual, and not diminish the value of loyal ministers.

The Renaissance was the golden age for maxims in Europe, with wide dissemination through the printing of ancient works like Plutarch’s Moralia and Vitae, Valerius Maximus’s Factorum ac dictorum memorabilium libri IX, and Diogenes Laertius’s Vitae Philosophorum (Meynard 2006). In Jesuit political writings, historical examples were often used to illustrate points. Monarchs could gain political wisdom through experience or historical examples (Justus Lipsius 1605). Although political science was not an independent course in the Jesuit curricula, Jesuit writers in Europe discussed political topics according to their understanding and focus but without changing the main principles. They explored political issues under themes like justice, rights, and law, and flexibly handled political matters through mirrors for princes, polemical treatises, and scriptural commentaries (Harro Höpfl 2009).

Similar to the European political tradition, Vagnone extensively used historical examples in Zhiping xixue. By citing anecdotes, events, and figures from European history, he introduced Western political ideas and moral norms to Chinese rulers and scholars. These historical examples were often used to illustrate principles of governance, concepts of power distribution, and the legitimacy of political authority, aiming to inspire good governance through historical lessons.

In their collaborative work, Jesuit Chreia in Late Ming China: Two Studies with an Annotated Translation of Alfonso Vagnone’s Illustrations of the Grand Dao (2014), Li Sher-shiueh and Thierry Meynard point out that Jesuit maxims are similar to the tales in Liu Yiqing 刘义庆 (403–444)’s Account of the Tales of the World (Shishuo xinyu 世说新语). The Jesuit maxims belong the literary genre of chreia in the West. They argue that the historical facts in shishuo 世说, influenced by rhetoric, are more persuasive rather than merely historical restoration. Li directly traced the sources of these maxims, demonstrating through grammar, rhetoric, and the transmission of maxims that “shishuo” inherently possesses literary qualities: “History or original texts have already submitted to rhetoric in shishuo” (Li and Meynard 2014; Li 1999). Upon examining the sources of Zhiping xixue, we found that some political maxims were not originally authored by Vagnone but directly translated from Monita et exempla politica/Political Admonitions and Examples.2 Li and Meynard have analyzed from a rhetorical perspective Vagnone’s Illustrations of the Grand Dao (达道记言 Dadao jiyan, 1636), distinguishing clearly between the records of words (verba; yan 言) from the records of deeds (facta; shi 事). They have shown that Vagnone and the Christian scholar Han Yun 韩雲 (1596–1649) have drawn from a Western tradition, which very early on had transformed the records of deeds into records of words, to achieve moral edification through rhetoric. When examining the origins of Zhiping xixue, it becomes evident that some political maxims in the text closely resemble those in Justus Lipsius’ Political Maxims and Examples (Monita et exempla politica). Additionally, Vagnone’s other work, Western Learning of Self-Cultivation (Xiushen xixue 修身西学), which is part of the same series as Zhiping xixue, also has direct connections to Lipsius. Therefore, it is reasonable to infer that Zhiping xixue indeed has a traceable relationship to Lipsius’ Political Maxims and Examples.

Although Vagnone’s use of historical examples in Western Learning of Governance is similar to the European political tradition, there may be differences in specific application and effects. Therefore, comparing and contrasting these two can lead to the following research questions: How did Vagnone select, interpret, and present historical examples to support his political theories and viewpoints? Did Vagnone adapt and adjust culturally when introducing this method, and how did he utilize this cross-cultural knowledge exchange to promote the interaction and integration of Chinese and Western political thought?

2. Presentation of Historical Examples in Zhiping xixue

The compilation method of Zhiping xixue is very similar to works similar to Ricci’s work Ten Chapters of a Strange Man (Jiren shipian) 畸人十篇 (1608). Vagnone himself used the same method in the Illustrations of the Grand Dao, mentioned above, as well as in other works like Pixue 譬学 and Tongyou jiaoyu 童幼教育, employing a combination of reasoning and maxims. Matteo Ricci recorded that after the publication of Jiren shipian, it was well received by Chinese scholars: “They discuss very common Christian teachings, which appear quite paradoxical to the Chinese … Examples, comparisons, sentences, and sayings from our philosophers and doctors, supported by the authority of our sacred Scriptures, left everyone so satisfied with this book that no one failed to confess its great benefit” (Pasquale M. d’Elia 1942, Matteo Ricci, pp. 463–64).3 Works in the form of maxims are easy to understand and highly readable. However, among the many maxims, there is a type that includes historical examples. These are characterized by having a specific time, place, characters, and events. Some maxims in Zhiping xixue are very similar to those in Illustrations of the Grand Dao. However, in the hundreds of maxims in Dadao Jiyan, there is no indication of time factors, such as ancient or modern, regarding historical figures or events.4 When these maxims were incorporated into Zhiping xixue, time factors were added.5

The historical examples in Zhiping xixue involve political governance, ethical morals, and historical lessons. These examples are characterized by their clear temporal and spatial features.

2.1. Temporal Factors in Zhiping xixue

In Zhiping xixue, Vagnone uses numerous historical examples to explore political governance, ethical morals, and historical lessons. A notable feature of these historical examples is their clear temporal and spatial characteristics, particularly in terms of defining time and space.

Firstly, in the texts of Western learning written in Chinese by late Ming missionaries, time nodes are explicitly marked as ancient times 上古, middle ages 中古, later ages, 下古/下世, and end times 末世. These time markers reflect the different chronologies of belonging and historical concepts among different cultural groups. The missionaries’ works typically used the Chinese chronological system to indicate the date of publication, specifically the emperor’s reign year, whereas the main text indicates Western time nodes or periods, and their manuscripts and letters sent back to Europe used the Anno Domini (AD) system. This difference in chronological systems also sparked cultural conflicts between China and the West. Matteo Ricci mentions the misunderstandings and malicious interpretations among the Chinese regarding the specific titles used by missionaries and their methods of dating. “And to make the matter more odious, they say that our people want to set themselves above the realm of China and not subject themselves to it like other foreigners who come here. Because, while they call their realm the Great China 大明, our people call it the Great West 大西, and while they call their ruler Son of Heaven 天子, our people call their God Lord of Heaven 天主 and want to exalt their Lord above theirs, just as a father is greater than his son; and they count the years using a different numbering system than the kings of China; and the characters they give to place in homes against evil spirits which are the names of Jesus and Mary”6 (Pasquale M. d’Elia 1942, Matteo Ricci, pp. 463–64). This indicates that the Jesuits had to adapt and adjust culturally when promoting their faith and knowledge in China. Eventually, the Jesuits adopted the emperor’s reign-based chronological system for the publication date of their Chinese works published in China. However, the keywords expressing time nodes or periods Zhiping xixue, such as ancient times, middle ages, later age, and end times, blend both Chinese and Western cultural characteristics. For contemporary Chinese, “ancient times” and “middle ages” were familiar concepts, while “later ages” and “end times” reflected cultural differences between China and the West. The term “end times” carried strong Christian connotations, conveying the unique Western concept of the apocalypse. The following examples illustrate this (See

Table 1. Historical Times and Figures in Western Learning of Governance (Zhiping xixue).

Time in Zhiping xixue	Chinese	Latin	Time
上古义王 (神话人物)	弥诺	Minos	2000–1400 BC
上古	若伯	Job	2100–1800 BC
上古七名賢之一	束鸞	Solon	640–558 BC
上古傲王	納布各	Nebuchodonosor II	635–562 BC
上古	亞瑪洗	Amasis II	570–526 BC
上古明學之宗領	比達臥拉	Pythagoras Samius	570–495 BC
上古名賢	比大義	Pythagoras	570–490 BC
上古闻士	束格拉德	Socrates	470–399 BC
上古大贤	罢拉多	Plato	427–347 BC
上古名士	弟阿日搦	Diogenes Sinopensis	404–323 BC
上古制綱紀	利古兒峩	Lycurgus Lacedaemonius	390–325 BC
上古名士	德抹納	Demetrius Phalereus	350–280 BC
上古名將軍	詩彼阿	Scipio Aemilianus	185–129 BC
上古名將	瑪畧	Gaius Marius	157–86 BC
中古	實尔色	Xerxes	518–465 BC
中古名士	弟阿	Dion Syracusanus	408–354 BC
中古名賢	咈濟玩	Phocion	402–319 BC
中古	特牧斯特	Demosthenes	384–322 BC
下古西賢	伯路大可	Plutarchus	46–125
下世名士	加努多	Canut the Great	995–1035
下世甚智之王	斐理伯	Philippus II Augustus	1165–1223
下古	篤瑪所	Thomas Aquinas	~1225–1274
下古	豐所王	Alfonso V Aragoniae	1396–1458
下古西王	嘉樂	Carolus V	1500–1558
下世西土王	何诺略	Henricus IV Angliae	1367–1413

):

Disregarding the complexities of historical transmission, Vagnone typically established historical timeframes before introducing individuals, often using classifications such as ancient times, middle ages, later ages, later generations, and end times. From the notable figures listed in the text, it can be inferred that the term “ancient times” encompasses a broad period, including Plato’s Laws and Minos featuring the mythological figure Minos, as well as biblical figures such as Job and Joseph, whose exact living periods are indeterminate. Additionally, Greek sages are also categorized as ancient figures.

In Vagnone’s classification, there is no clear boundary between figures of the ancient period and those of the medieval period. If we define the medieval period as from 500 to 300 BC, there is a contradiction because some historical figures from the ancient period also lived during this time frame. For example, Diogenes Sinopensis (404–323 BC) and Phocion (402–319 BC) lived in the same era, but in the text Diogenes Sinopensis is labeled as 上古弟阿日搦, while Phocion is marked as 中古咈济玩. Additionally, Scipio Aemilianus and Gaius Marius lived later than the medieval figures Xerxes and Demosthenes described in the text, yet they are referred to as ancient generals (上古名将军 Scipio Aemilianus and 上古名将 Gaius Marius). Therefore, aside from the Seven Sages of Greece, it is challenging to pinpoint the exact time division between the ancient 上古 and medieval periods 中古 in Vagnone’s classification.

However, the distinction between the later antiquity and the later era is clearer, mainly referring to the post-AD period. Due to limited clues, the renowned kings or rulers of the end times have not been identified in historical records and are not reflected in the table. These include “The Island of Angliae in the Western Seas at the End Times” 末世西海之岛安日里亚, “The Renowned King of the End Times Jia Le” 末世之名王加乐, and “The Virtuous King of the End Times Yadouran” 末世之贤王亚然陡. However, given the cultural differences between China and the West, the end times (末世) in the Christian context has a more explicit meaning, likely referring to the end of the current era. When describing the situations of Western countries, Vagnone’s accounts of the deeds of individuals are relatively vague regarding exact dates, but it is evident that these accounts are based on historical facts rather than complete fabrications. In Western historical periods, clear demarcations of historical periods did not emerge until modern times.

In works like Herodotus’s Histories, Thucydides’s History of the Peloponnesian War, and Plutarch’s Parallel Lives, the exact historical periods of the individuals were not the primary focus. Ricci proposed a stance favoring “ancient Confucianism” and opposing “modern Confucianism”, (Matteo Ricci 2014) with the appearance of Neo-Confucianism by Zhu Xi 朱熹 serving as the dividing point. In comparison with Chinese history, the ancient period roughly corresponds to the time before the Northern Song Dynasty, with the Song Dynasty (960–1279) serving as a potential dividing point between ancient and modern times.

The earliest division of Chinese history was proposed by Han Feizi 韩非子, who divided history into “three ancient periods” 三古. The ancient period referred to times of the “Pre-Three Dynasties period” 三代之前 (prior to Xia 夏, Shang 商, and Zhou 周), while the middle ages referred to the period between the Shang 商 and Zhou 周 Dynasties. However, the division proposed by Han Feizi 韩非子 was not universally accepted. Traditional Chinese historiography treated the “middle ages” 中古 as a flexible time arrangement: “As a historical period, it is less clear and fixed compared to dynasties… Chinese scholars had recognized the existence of the “Middle Ages” in Western history as early as the late Qing period, using the term “middle ages” to correspond to the Western Middle Ages in contemporary texts introducing Western conditions” (Xie 2016). According to the records in Zhiping xixue, the Ming Dynasty’s division of Western history imitated the Chinese chronological system, showing a tendency toward clear divisions with relatively clear boundaries between ancient and modern times, though not as precise as the late Qing records of Western chronology.

In conclusion, Vagnone’s main purpose in dividing historical periods was to introduce Western learning in a simple and persuasive manner. Using time references such as ancient times 上古, middle ages 中古, later ages 下古/下世, and end times 末世 made the content more authentic and credible. This approach, appealing to antiquity, closely resembles the Chinese political practice of “exalting antiquity to enlighten the present”. Whether referring to ancient, middle, or later ages, discussions involving ancient times or sages were familiar and acceptable to late Ming Chinese scholars.

Among the various factors in historical examples, region is a relatively prominent one. I have summarized the ten most frequently mentioned place names in Zhiping xixue to reflect the regions that Vagnone focused on when introducing Western politics, and to show how these regions were presented in Late Ming China. Through these place names, we can gain a clearer understanding of Vagnone’s regional focus on Western politics in his writings.

The numbers in

Table 2. Place in Zhiping xixue.

Place in Zhiping xixue	Latin	Number of Occurrences
拉责德国/辣责德	Lacedaemon	9
伯儿西亚/白儿西亚/伯儿西	Persia	8
罗马	Roma	6
亚德纳	Athenae	3
束多玛	Sodom	2
弗朗济亚	Francia	2
如德亚国	Juda	2
厄勒济亚/厄勒齐亚	Graecia	2
施第亚国	Sythia	1
德伯国	Thebes	1
巴比鑾	Babylon	1

represent the frequency of each place name mentioned in Zhiping xixue. The areas with higher occurrences include Sparta, Persia, Rome, and Athens. The frequent appearance of these Mediterranean and surrounding regions indicates Vagnone’s significant attention to their politics, history, and other aspects. This region is also the central hub of Western civilization.

In the text, Vagnone expresses approval of Sparta’s legal regulations, describing how Sparta addressed issues such as idleness among the populace, breaches of trust in commercial activities, extravagance among citizens, suicides of maidens, and punishments for drunkenness. He praises Sparta for its harmony and unity in facing external challenges. Additionally, the laws and governance measures of Persia, Rome, and Greece are also praised, with these regions’ regulations for governing their people being regarded as exemplary.

Vagnone’s description of Persia primarily showcases his familiarity with and admiration for Persian rulers. He particularly appreciates the qualities and wisdom of famous Persian kings such as Alexander, Darius, Xerxes, and Cyrus. Vagnone mentions two ancient Persian practices—selecting silent ministers and choosing wise and capable individuals as rulers—further reflecting his high regard for Persian governance wisdom. These descriptions not only highlight the outstanding achievements of Persian kings in history but also emphasize Vagnone’s admiration for Persian state governance systems, considering these practices key factors in Persia’s rise as a great ancient civilization.

In contrast, Judah and Sodom are used as typical representatives in religious stories, emphasizing the moral lessons of these regions in religious contexts. Regarding the translated names, terms like “Judea” (如德亚) and “Egypt” (厄知多) use characters like “德” (virtue) and “知” (wisdom), which have positive connotations in Chinese. The descriptions also focus on the excellent governance of these Western countries. This naming and descriptive approach reflects the compilers’ affirmation and admiration of these countries. Thus, it is evident that in Zhiping xixue Vagnone places greater emphasis on the discussion of the establishment and implementation of state governance systems.

2.2. Image of Sages in Zhiping xixue

Vagnone defined the term “sage” in Zhiping xixue as “those who cultivate high moral standards, nourish their whole person, and widely engage in virtuous deeds” 企高脩德，駸养全躰，广脩衆善之业 (Vagnone 2019, p. 204). In late Ming Western texts, references to Western sages are abundant, serving as a significant vehicle for Sino-Western cultural exchange. Vagnone noted “From ancient sages, there is no one who does not speak about happiness” 从古圣贤，莫不言福 (Vagnone 2019, p. 159), indicating that sages are common exemplars and authorities in both Chinese and Western cultures. Similary, for Vagnone, in Chinese historical tradition, sages are revered as beings superior to ordinary people. The development of sages includes the idea that “learning begins with self-cultivation, which is cultivated through virtue. Virtue, in turn, spreads to others but remains individual at its core. Eastern and Western sages both emphasize sincerity and caution in solitude, always mindful of their actions” 学先脩身，脩以德，德支衆而本独。东西圣贤胥先诚意，又必慎厥独，念所向为焉。 (Vagnone 2019, p. 147). This suggests that both Eastern and Western sages must possess the qualities of sincerity and caution in solitude.

Zhiping xixue mentions that the Creator has established sages throughout generations to govern the nation: “Thus, the Creator favors the souls born in this world,to practice virtue, not wishing for their complete end, so He sends sages in every generation, guiding them to correct their faults and return to righteousness”. 由是造物之主宠兹所生之灵民，不欲终绝，乃世世遣立圣贤，每提引迪，使其民以修治之功，裨补其失而其复正。 (Vagnone 2019, p. 164). Sages represent the highest principles common to both Eastern and Western civilizations, recognized across cultures. Ancient and modern sages are viewed as universal, transcending cultural boundaries.

Sages can be classified by the following standards—by region, into Western sages and Chinese sages; by time, into ancient sages and more recent sages; and by titles following their names (1) Saints: these include Christian saints, such as the disciples of Jesus (John, Matthew, Paul), bishops (Ambrose, Augustine, Chrysostom), Popes (Marcelles, Gregory) and mystics (Bernard, Ignatius); (2) Prophets: “God’s righteous mandate was first implemented on earth, received by sages, and then continued by emperors, generation after generation. The principles of ethics and the preservation of virtue cannot be ignored or violated” 天主正命始施于天下，圣贤得之，帝王继之，代代尽然。诸伦之义，秉彛之存，岂可忽而违之耶？ (Vagnone 2017, p. 164). According to Vagnone, the role of sages is similar to that of prophets, serving as custodians and transmitters of ethical and moral standards, preceding monarchs and bearing the responsibility of passing down divine mandate and morals.

In Western societies governed by sages, scholars, and religious believers, there is a distinction between sages, good people, and evil people. Sages are classified separately from good and evil people. In The Education of Children, Vagnone quotes the Book of Proverbs in the Bible “He who associates with the wise becomes wise; he who associates with fools suffers harm” 《圣经》曰：“与圣者交，必将入圣；与善人交，亦将为善；与恶人交，亦将为恶” (Vagnone 2017, p. 232). However, modern translations, such as the New International Version，only differentiate between wise and foolish people: “Walk with the wise and become wise, for a companion of fools suffers harm”.

In Illustrations of the Grand Dao, the compatibility and conflicts between Western thought and Confucian political thought are examined in connection with the political context of the time. The image of wise kings, such as the Macedonian King Philip and his son Alexander, derived from Plutarch’s Moralia and Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans, are not ideal rulers but representations of the internal struggles of rulers. “If one can be sincere in his intentions, truthful in his words, and resolute in his actions, following the precepts of sages, advancing in virtue, and authenticated by the sages, this is the necessary path. The teachings of ancient and modern sages do not deviate from this, and beginners must follow it” 盖能诚其衷、实其言、果其行，从依圣戒，而以进于道德、证于圣贤，端必由之。徃来古今圣贤所言诚学，不外乎此，而幼者始学，可不由是乎？ (Vagnone 2017, Tongyou jiaoyu jinzhu, pp. 182–83). This suggests that the wise kings, being immersed in mundane realities, need to listen to the words of sages who keep themselves at distance from politics.

3. Political Interpretation of Historical Examples from a Cross-Cultural Perspective

3.1. Consistency with Western Political Tradition

“Loci communes” refers to common themes, arguments, or maxims that help people organize and categorize information, facilitating memory and retrieval. Historical examples are an essential component of “loci communes”. These typically involve famous events, figures, or actions from history, which can vividly illustrate and support a particular argument or theme. In the fields of education and rhetoric, historical examples are considered powerful tools for proving or explaining a point. Greek and Roman rhetoricians, such as Aristotle and Quintilian, encouraged using historical examples as a reference framework for speeches and writings. These examples add authority and persuasiveness to the speaker’s or writer’s arguments.

During the Renaissance and early modern periods, the “loci communes” method experienced a revival and expansion. Scholars would extract valuable historical examples, quotations, and anecdotes from books, categorize them by theme or argument, and compile them into a “commonplace book”. These books became important resources for speeches, debates, and writings. In political science, historical examples were used to depict ideal governance models or behavioral guidelines. For instance, Lambertus Danaeus’s collection of political aphorisms, Politicorum Aphorismorum Silva (1583), provides advice on government and conduct by portraying the ideal prince (Lipsius 2022, p. 18). Princes could draw inspiration and guidance from historical examples that closely resembled their own situations.

Regardless of Western or Eastern traditions, historical examples have always been a fundamental means of moral education in the ancient world. “If the humanist does not transmit the deeds of famous people from the past, they can never be exemplary … By rendering antiquity accessible through critical text editions and monographs on ancient culture, and by formulating guidelines for rulers based on their knowledge of the past, the humanist serves the common good” (Lipsius 2022, p. 33).

During the Renaissance, it was common for Jesuit theologians to use maxims in their writings. Following the transmission of Western learning to the East, this creative method was similarly employed in China. However, what transformations did historical examples undergo during this transmission? What principles guided the selection and interpretation of historical examples in a cross-cultural context?

3.1.1. Some Historical Examples Were Directly Translated from Western Sources

Below Are Analyses of a Few Examples:

Xenophon, whether truthfully or fittingly, wrote about Cyrus. He says that when Panthea, the most beautiful of women, was captured and brought before him, Cyrus forbade himself from even looking at her, so as not to violate her matronly chastity and his own. And when Araspas, one of his friends, suggested approaching and talking to her (for she was a woman of remarkable beauty and plainly worthy of a king’s gaze), Cyrus replied, “For that very reason, I should abstain. For if I approach her now when I am free, she might cause me to approach her even when I am not free, and to sit by her side, neglecting serious matters.” Good speech and reasoning. And indeed, if there are no other harmful consequences in dealings with women, this one certainly is: being distracted from more important duties.

(Lipsius 1605, p. 98a)7

In former times, a minister requested King Cyrus to meet a woman of extraordinary beauty. The king denied, saying “Are you not calculating that I would neglect state affairs? Just one meeting with such beauty would not only tarnish the eyes but also lead the heart astray, causing one to forget about governance and thus bringing disgrace upon oneself”. 昔者大臣請濟樂王晤一國色之女，王辭曰：“爾非計我廢國政耶？盖一晤是色，非特将污其目，因心将惑以至忘政而辱身矣。”.

(Vagnone 2009, p. 282)

In 1605, the political scientist Justus Lipsius described an event taken from Xenophon’s The Education of Cyrus. In Xenophon’s original Greek text, the story unfolds in the form of a dialogue (Xenophon 1914).8 Vagnone later incorporated this story into Illustrations of the Grand Dao and Zhiping xixue, which primarily discusses the virtues a ruler should possess, such as overcoming desires and removing external distractions.

In Monita et exempla politica, this story appears in the section De Castitate, which mainly deals with the virtues a ruler should maintain within and outside of marriage. Lipsius describes Cyrus’s attitude toward a beautiful woman named Panthea, expressing his loyalty and respect by refusing to meet her.

Both stories discuss the scenario of refusing to meet a beautiful woman, but the specific contexts and dialogue differ slightly. In fact, Lipsius mentions the invitation by Arasp to meet the woman. The difference is that Arasp is a friend, but Vagnone changed him for an officer. In fact, according to Lipsius, Panthea was already married, and Cyrus did not want to force her. Vagnone did not mention this background. Besides the concern that women might affect Cyrus’s work (neglecting state affairs 忘政), Vagnone also emphasized personal ethics (disgracing oneself 辱身). It is evident that Lipsius focused on the king’s execution of his duties, while Vagnone emphasized the king’s self-cultivation. The Chinese account aligns more closely with the theme, omitting many details to highlight the relationships between desire, perception, intent, and governance, thus illustrating the close connection between controlling desires and maintaining the focus on government. However, overall, there is not much difference in the themes and principles emphasized during the transmission to progovernment in the East.

3.1.2. Another Method Involves Changing the Focus of the Story, as Follows

For which Gaius Marius, when he was consul for the seventh time, led the way with his noble example. The Romans were involved in the terrible Cimbrian war, and Marius was in charge of it, after they had tired of the other commanders. He appointed his sister’s son tribune in the legion, a strong man in warfare, perhaps, but weak in his desires. He fell in love with a recruit in his legion, called Gaius Plotius, who was still in the prime of his life, for the Romans enrolled men from the age of seventeen. So, he made a few attempts and accosted him with dishonorable requests. But Plotius refused and soon rejected him with loud abuse. The tribune, even more inflamed, turned to the force under his command and called the young man to his tent at night. And it was punishable by death not to obey a tribune. He came and listened to the usual things, the attempts at, or rewards for, disgraceful acts. When he vigorously rejected them, the tribune put his hand on him and prepared for violence. But then, true to his good blood, he drew his sword and said, Know that I am a man, and pierced the tribune. The shouts in the tent created tumult in the camp. The novel and cruel deed roused everyone: a tribune killed by a common soldier. In the morning, he was brought to Marius, who by chance had not been in the camp that night. Having mounted the tribunal, he listened to the words and hasty judgments of the soldiers, considered the discipline of the camp and his own blood relation. And everything condemned the soldier beforehand, but his integrity and Marius’ immovable equity saved him. For when he reluctantly and unwillingly, but having overcome his shame, had eventually explained what happened, Marius did not hesitate, turned the sentence and dishonour towards the deceased, and absolved Plotius of the crime. Did he just absolve him? No, he even gave him a crown, praising him with the short sentence that he had performed a noble deed in times which were in need of strong examples. Well done, Marius! Chastity loves you and discipline itself loves you, which you would have dissolved if you had not solved the case in this way.9

(Lipsius 1605, p. 98a)

In ancient Western lands, there was a renowned general named Marius who led campaigns against rebels. His nephew bore the standard in the army, while he committed an act of lust towards a youth. The youth, being resolute, did not endure the insult and killed him. The crowd was shocked, and urged to investigate further, they presented the matter to the general’s court. The general, enlightened in justice and not swayed by personal considerations, upon hearing the details, not only did not punish, but also praised the purity of the youth’s heart and rewarded the courage of the youth’s spirit with honors. Alas, when a person attains the level of a sage, where even beasts like dogs and swine disdain certain acts, should one not feel ashamed? Not only do they not feel ashamed, not only do they not conceal it, but they boast about it, and even take pride in it, as if it were a merit. This is beyond my comprehension. 上古西土有名将瑪畧為國討叛者，軍中執旗者爲其甥，而忽強淫一童。童者有志，即莫奈辱，殺之。衆驚，促紼送於将堂以究。将明於理，不迷於私，聞知其詳，非只不究，尚以言譽童心之潔，以賞旌童志之勇焉。嗚呼，人以人形人神，至明公爲，狗豕所不屑爲者，可不耻之哉？乃非特不恥羞之，非特不隱匿之，反揚揭之，反每自誇，如有功德者，是則我所不及解者也。

(Vagnone 1935, Minzhi xixue)

Lipsius detailed an account of the conflict between the ancient Roman noble general Gaius Marius and the young soldier Gaius Plotius. This story highlights the importance of chastity and discipline in the Roman army, as well as Marius’s sense of justice and decisiveness when faced with challenges. Although this story is included in the “De Iustitia” chapter of Lipsius’s book, emphasizing the importance of justice for the state, in Vagnone’s narrative, the story is used to illustrate the dangers of lust to the state. Despite the different applications, the core of the story remains clear. Vagnone skillfully used this story to demonstrate his understanding and ability to apply it while maintaining the accuracy of the original story, making it more compelling. Here, in the attempt to force Plotius into a homosexual act that Vagnone considers as against nature, Vagnone adds also his complaint about homosexuality being legitimized as something normal. Like Ricci and other missionaries in China, Vagnone is shocked by what he perceives as the tolerance of Chinese society towards homosexuality acts. Lipsius does not deal with this. Same as the story above, Vagnone’s focus is not purely on politics, but on the personal morality of those who have political authority.

This story underwent several changes in the process of translation from Latin to Chinese, including language translation, cultural adaptation, and adjustment of narrative focus. Vagnone shifted the narrative focus from detailed descriptions of the event’s background to highlighting core moral lessons, such as chastity and justice. In selecting and interpreting historical examples, he followed principles of moral education, cultural commonality, and simplified dissemination, ensuring that the story maintained universal value and educational significance in the new cultural context.

3.1.3. The Third Method Is to Interpret Chinese Historical Examples to Align with Western Political Principles

The concept of “Tianming” (天命) is a highly significant notion in ancient Chinese political tradition. Over time, the meaning and emphasis of Tianming have evolved, making it a complex concept. In Vagnone’s text, the situation in China is discussed: “Again, according to the Chinese system, Yao 尧 gave the realm to Shun 舜 instead of to his own son, and Shun 舜 gave the realm to Yu 禹 instead of to his own son. This was not the intention of Yao 尧 or Shun 舜, but the mandate of the Lord” (“又稽中华制典，尧以天下与舜，而不与其子者，又舜以天下与禹，而不与其子者，非尧非舜之意也，而上主之命也。”). This is an excellent historical example that illustrates the principle of moral governance and the adherence to Tianming 天命. Vagnone explains that the people’s submission to Yao 尧, Shun 舜, and Yu 禹 was the result of the “mandate of the Lord” and not human effort. This view of moral governance and the legitimacy of power originating from a divine source is similar to the concepts of moral and divine governance found in Western political theory.

By mentioning that Yao 尧, Shun 舜, and Yu 禹 rose from occupations such as farming, pottery, fishing, and shepherding to ultimately become rulers, Vagnone shows that their success was not due to personal strength but was arranged by the “mandate of the Lord”. This indicates that the legitimacy and sanctity of their rule stemmed from a supernatural force. Since in traditional Chinese political thought, “Tianming” inherently carries connotations of moral and divine authority, Vagnone’s interpretation of it as the “mandate of the Lord” appears to give a more specific reference to China’s Tianming. By employing the concepts of divine right and moral governance, Vagnone translates the Chinese notion of Tianming into the “mandate of the Lord”, thereby finding a commonality between Chinese and Western political thought.

Vagnone did not elaborate on the differences between Chinese and Western perspectives in his text. In fact, Vagnone attempts to deduct through rationality the religious foundation of politics, and therefore it bends the Chinese Tianming towards a religious principle of politics, seeing in God the source of all political authorities, like for Saint Paul (Romans 13:1–7).

3.2. Reducing Religious Elements and Emphasizing Political Principles

“The more abstract the Jesuit treatment of a topic, the more readily it could be appropriated. Often silently: the idea of intellectual copyright had no place whatever in this context. By parity of reasoning it is often impossible to discern whether an author had borrowed from a specifically Jesuit source, even when his thought exhibits close parallels with Jesuit authors” (Harro Höpfl 2009, p. 368). The Catholic theologian, Jesuit or not, was, however, bound by the demands of a curriculum which had no place for “politics” eo nomine, let alone for the new-fangled “reason of state”. The only location for “political matters” the theological curriculum afforded was under the headings on justice and right, and on laws. But the paradigmatic Jesuit principle was that what is essential to the survival of the commonwealth is not laws as such, but governance, principatus, and super-and sub-ordination: relations of command and obedience. For the most part, Jesuit theologians followed the standard topics of the Thomist curriculum but accommodated them to their specific preoccupations and principles (Harro Höpfl 2009, p. 5).

In Zhiping xixue, as we just discussed above in reference to Tianming. political power is only mentioned as coming from God in the section Zhizheng yuanben. However, in the following sections, Vagnone focuses more on aspects of state governance such as the virtues of rulers, laws, taxes, and social customs, rather than constantly emphasizing religious elements as the primary condition for political governance. The Catholic tradition defines the relationship between religion and politics through the relationship between the sacred and the secular, creating unclear boundaries between the two. After the Reformation, all secular aspects were incorporated into the sacred realm, making the power of the church greater than that of secular politics. However, Vagnone cleverly avoids the issue of power ownership, instead placing the ruler’s authority under divine permission without extensively discussing the church’s status within the state.

Vagnone believes that good political governance relies not only on laws and institutions but also on the virtues and behaviors of officials. By setting examples, officials can guide the populace and maintain social order and moral standards. This governance concept was particularly important in the context of Chinese society at the time, as it emphasized the close connection between personal morality and public service, helping to establish a more harmonious and stable society.

While acknowledging the sacred origin of political power, Vagnone places more emphasis on the principles of secular political governance, highlighting the roles of rulers and officials in state governance. He points out the crucial responsibility of the government towards the populace and society, especially in China, where there was no need to address the relationship between ecclesiastical and imperial powers. For instance, he argues that officials setting a good example is the best way to educate the populace. Zhiping xixue mentions using “punishment, favor, education, and personal example” to govern the people. This is mainly because officials occupy a unique position where their actions cannot be hidden from the people. “Do not say: the faults of those in high positions are hidden, for the nature of high positions cannot avoid the public eye, just like the eclipse of the sun and moon”. Additionally, he compares the relationship between the people and officials to that between a painting and a painter, or a body and its shadow. Through good governance practices, officials can guide the populace, maintain social order and moral standards, and achieve long-term stability for the state. This perspective demonstrates his profound understanding and flexible application of political governance principles, highlighting their central role in state management.

If we examine the relationship between religion and politics in the West from an earlier time, such as after the writings of Augustine’s City of God or the fall of the Western Roman Empire, we can see that the relationship between politics and religion was not merely oppositional but began to emphasize cooperation and mutual independence. This leads me to realize that Vagnone may not have intentionally minimized religious factors in his political writings. Instead, it might be that Western political traditions had evolved to a point where religious elements were not overly intertwined with political governance, or the relationship between religion and politics was not oversimplified. He still adopted a perspective of cooperation and independence between religion and politics to integrate Western and Chinese political theories.

3.3. Connection with Ming Dynasty Political Practices

Regarding the governance of the populace, Vagnone discusses this issue in his two-volume section Zhimin xixue, which comprises sixteen chapters. The overall approach to governance is to eliminate harmful practices and promote righteousness. Vagnone does not have a high regard for the populace, believing that they are inherently dull and incapable of distinguishing right from wrong, often falling prey to harmful influences. Originally, governing the people was a responsibility entrusted by the Creator to the monarch. However, due to the monarch’s busy schedule, this responsibility was delegated to officials. This mirrors the ancient Chinese system of “teaching through law” and “taking officials as teachers”. This system refers to the integration of national politics and education, where legal officials serve as teachers, and laws and regulations serve as educational content.

Historical examples cited in Zhiping xixue teach rulers and officers to become good rulers and good officers and to achieve an ideal political state. Through specific historical events and figures, readers are shown the outcomes of different political decisions and behaviors, thus providing guidance on how to respond to similar issues. These historical examples reflect the successes and failures of various political decisions, allowing political science learners to draw lessons from them, avoid repeating mistakes, and improve the accuracy and effectiveness of political decisions.

Many maxims in Zhiping xixue are derived from the character portrayals in Parallel Lives. While the characters in Plutarch’s work are very detailed and comprehensive, the portrayal of rulers by Vagnone is very short, comprising only one or two selected dialogues. For example, he cites the story of Marcus Antonius (83–30 BC) and Hybreas about tax collection: “When Hybreas was in office, the king imposed heavy taxes, and the wise official remonstrated: “If the king imposes heavy taxes twice a year, it is acceptable’. The king heeded the advice and stopped”. 喜伯勒為仕，王命重稅，仕賢則諫曰：王命一年二夏二秋，方可重稅。王納即止。 (Vagnone 1935).

In Plutarch’s original text, the focus was on Antonius, depicting him as a man ruined by beauty, indulging in whims and excesses, with Hybreas’s clever wording being just a minor episode:

“But finally, when he was imposing a second contribution on the cities, Hybreas, speaking on behalf of Asia, plucked up the courage to say this: ‘If thou canst take a contribution twice in one year, thou hast the power also to make summer for us twice, and harvest-time twice’. These words were rhetorical, it is true, and agreeable to Antony’s taste; but the speaker added in plain and bold words that Asia had given him two hundred thousand talents; ‘If’, said he, ‘thou hast not received this money, demand it from those who took it; but if thou didst receive it, and hast it not, we are undone’”.

(Plutarch 1919, p. 139)

Vagnone refers to Antonius as a king. In reality, Antonius was merely a powerful general who formed the Second Triumvirate with Octavian and Lepidus. Vagnone may have been reluctant to explain this complex historical context, so he labeled Antonius as a king to simplify into a ruler–minister relationship. Vagnone focuses on Hybreas, and according to Plutarch, Hybreas’ “two summers and two autumns” theory was meant to flatter Antonius. However, in Vagnone’s narrative, Hybreas’ statement is actually a satire of this king. In the context of Chinese political culture, Vagnone’s depiction of such satire is difficult to imagine, representing Hybreas’ bravery. Hybreas understood an economic principle: if the people’s income doubles, the king’s tax revenue can also double. However, unlike Plutarch’s account, Vagnone explains that the “two summers and two autumns” notion is entirely impossible, thus Hybreas was mocking the foolishness of Antonius’ tax policy. By omitting these historical details, Vagnone presents a wiser and more insightful image of a minister. This is also part of ideal politics: whenever a ruler’s decisions are lacking, the ministers should offer counsel. A humorous yet wise approach to advice further highlights the characteristics of ideal politics.

By citing historical examples, Vagnone could verify and test the correctness and applicability of political theories. When a political theory can explain and predict the development of historical events, it demonstrates its value and reliability. Historical examples can also supplement and refine political theories, making them more realistic and practical. Through the analysis of historical examples, deficiencies in political theories can be identified and corrected, making them more consistent with actual political practice.

Vagnone aimed to introduce Western political thoughts and values, such as benevolent governance, rule of law, and virtues, to Chinese readers through European political theories and historical examples, hoping to foster dialogue or resonance with Chinese society and politics. By describing and analyzing European maxims, Vagnone attempted to demonstrate the main principles of Western politics, aiming to enhance Chinese readers’ understanding and recognition of Western political systems and culture. “The Loyal Sovereign’s Morning Audience” (Yijun qinchao 义君亲朝) mentions that a ruler should possess virtues such as benevolence, justice, humility, integrity, and honesty. When discussing the choice of political systems, it incorporates the reality of China, indicating that Western political ideas do not conflict with Chinese traditions. In most cases, Vagnone directly quotes European historical examples, concisely illustrating the development of events, characters, and time through maxims, and elucidating the political ethics that a ruler should possess.

4. Conclusions

Zhiping xixue references European historical examples to argue the principles of Western political thought and culture through the authority of these examples in terms of time, space, and sagehood, while also frequently mentioning Chinese circumstances to foster dialogue and integration between East and West. This reflects the role of historical lessons in guiding political roles and the universality of these lessons in both cultural spheres. It also demonstrates the pathways and methods of modern political thought dissemination, emphasizing the importance of principles such as benevolence, rule of law, and taxation in state governance.

As an important political science work of the late Ming period, Zhiping xixue introduces Western political ideas to Chinese readers through the citation and interpretation of historical examples. In this work, Vagnone not only demonstrates his profound historical knowledge and cross-cultural communication skills but also reflects the interaction and integration of Chinese and Western political thought. By selecting, interpreting, and presenting historical examples, Vagnone successfully concretizes and animates abstract political concepts, making them more persuasive and readable. Furthermore, in introducing these ideas, he undertakes substantial cultural adaptation and adjustment, ensuring that they align more closely with the Chinese cultural context and social reality.