Implicit and Explicit Knowledge of a Multiple Interface Phenomenon: Differential Task Effects in Heritage Speakers and L2 Speakers of Spanish in The Netherlands
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. The Subjunctive
1. | Quiero | que | me | *ayudas/ayudes |
Want-1SG | that | me | help-IND.2SG/help-SUBJ.2SG | |
‘I want you to help me.’ |
2. | Busco | Una blusa | que | tiene/tenga | botones grandes |
look-1SG | a shirt | that | have-IND.3SG/have-SUB.3SG | big buttons | |
‘I’m looking for a shirt that has big buttons.’ |
3. | Juan | no cree | que | María | está/esté embarazada |
John | NEG believe-3SG | that | Mary | is-IND/is.SUB pregnant | |
‘John does not believe that Mary is pregnant.’ |
3. Explicit vs. Implicit Knowledge
- Degree of awareness. Explicit knowledge is considered to be conscious; implicit knowledge is not.
- Time availability. Implicit knowledge is assumed to be accessed automatically and fast, whereas explicit knowledge requires controlled processing and thus is more time-consuming.
- Focus of attention. Tasks that focus on fluency (focus on meaning) are considered to test implicit knowledge, whereas tests that prioritize accuracy (focus on form), tap into explicit knowledge.
- Metalanguage, used to verbalize linguistic rules, is related to explicit, but not implicit knowledge.
4. Previous Research
4.1. Heritage Speakers and L2 Speakers Compared
4.2. The Subjunctive
4.3. Problems with Previous Studies
5. Research Questions and Hypotheses
Will L2 speakers and heritage speakers of Spanish with comparable general proficiency levels have differential advantages depending on whether explicit or implicit knowledge of the subjunctive is tested?
6. Method
6.1. Participants
6.2. Tasks and Procedure
4. | Estoy molesto porque mi esposa nunca limpia la casa. Esta noche de nuevo no me ayuda a lavar los platos. Me enojo y le digo: |
‘I’m annoyed because my wife never cleans the house. This evening once again she does not help me with the dishes. I get angry and I say:’ | |
Quiero que... | |
‘I want that…’ |
5. | Camilo está de vacaciones en Málaga. Le gustaría mucho comer tapas en un restaurante y ver un show de flamenco. Va al centro antiguo y pregunta a alguien en la calle: |
‘Camilo is on a holiday in Malaga. He would very much like to eat tapas in a restaurant and see a flamenco show. He goes to the old centre and asks someone in the street:’ | |
Busco un restaurante de tapas donde... | |
‘I’m looking for a tapas restaurant where…’ |
6. | Selma camina por la calle y ve a su tía caminando a 20 metros de ella. La llama, pero hay mucho ruido de los coches así que es imposible oír algo. |
‘Selma is walking on the street and sees her aunt walking at a distance of 20 meters. She calls here, but there is a lot of noise from the cars, so that it is impossible to hear anything.’ | |
Selma no cree que su tía la... | |
‘Selma doesn’t think that her aunt her…’ |
7. | María tiene que dar una presentación sobre Miró para su clase de historia del arte. Quiere dar muchos ejemplos de pinturas de Miró durante la presentación. Va a la biblioteca y le dice a la señora: |
‘Maria has to give a presentation about Miró for her art history class. She wants to give many examples of paintings by Miró during the presentation. She goes to the library and tells the woman:’ | |
Busco un libro que tiene pinturas de Miró. | |
‘I’m looking for a book that has. IND paintings by Miró.’ | |
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ | |
−2 −1 0 1 2 | |
Busco un libro que tenga pinturas de Miró. | |
○ ○ ○ ○ ○ | |
−2 −1 0 1 2 |
7. Results
7.1. Production Task
7.2. Acceptability Judgment Task
7.3. Individual Results
7.4. The Role of Exposure and Instruction
8. Discussion
9. Conclusions
Supplementary Materials
Author Contributions
Funding
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
References
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1 | In this paper, we use the term “L2 speakers” to refer to people who have learned a second (foreign) language postpuberty and in an instructional setting. |
2 | Other accounts mention different explanations for the critical period effect, such as affective-motivational factors (Krashen 1982), L1 influence (e.g., Flege 1999), socio-educational factors (e.g., Bialystok and Hakuta 1999), and time on the task (e.g., Flynn and Manuel 1991). |
3 | But see Bruhn de Garavito (2002) for a study showing no difference between heritage and L2 speakers with verb movement in Spanish. |
4 | For reference, consider that the lowest native speaker score was 110. |
5 | The items were obtained through personal communication with the authors. |
6 | An anonymous reviewer pointed out that, to completely control for language mode, one would ideally present two separate versions of the tasks: one aural and one written version. However, this would have required doubling the number of participants. A bimodal presentation therefore seemed the best solution to the effect of language mode. |
7 | Interestingly, the morphological recognition task, which was also explicit in nature, and which targeted partially similar contexts as the volitional condition, rendered a significantly higher accuracy on part of the L2 speakers compared to the heritage speakers. However, one of the differences between this task and the judgment task was that the MRT was presented only in written form, not aurally, which may have contributed to the L2 advantage. |
8 | Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out to us. |
Group | N | Age | DELE | Lexical Decision Score | Self-Reported Proficiency | MRT Score |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Monolinguals | 18 | 26.4 | 45.22 | 130.72 | 5.94 | 98.97 |
Heritage speakers | 17 | 25.9 | 40.94 | 110.41 | 5.13 | 92.16 |
L2 speakers | 21 | 28.1 | 40.43 | 110.95 | 4.32 | 96.30 |
Volitional | Relative Clauses | Negation | |
---|---|---|---|
Monolinguals | 18/18 (100%) | 18/18 (100%) | 16/18 (88.89%) |
Heritage speakers | 17/17 (100%) | 8/17 (47.1%) | 5/17 (29.41%) |
L2 speakers | 15/21 (71.4%) | 9/21 (42.9%) | 4/21 (19.05%) |
Volitional | Relative Clauses | Negation | |
---|---|---|---|
Monolinguals | 18/18 (100%) | 18/18 (100%) | 18/18 (100%) |
Heritage speakers | 17/17 (100%) | 14/17 (82.35%) | 4/17 (23.53%) |
L2 speakers | 20/21 (95.24%) | 17/21 (80.95%) | 12/21 (57.14%) |
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Share and Cite
Van Osch, B.; Hulk, A.; Aalberse, S.; Sleeman, P. Implicit and Explicit Knowledge of a Multiple Interface Phenomenon: Differential Task Effects in Heritage Speakers and L2 Speakers of Spanish in The Netherlands. Languages 2018, 3, 25. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages3030025
Van Osch B, Hulk A, Aalberse S, Sleeman P. Implicit and Explicit Knowledge of a Multiple Interface Phenomenon: Differential Task Effects in Heritage Speakers and L2 Speakers of Spanish in The Netherlands. Languages. 2018; 3(3):25. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages3030025
Chicago/Turabian StyleVan Osch, Brechje, Aafke Hulk, Suzanne Aalberse, and Petra Sleeman. 2018. "Implicit and Explicit Knowledge of a Multiple Interface Phenomenon: Differential Task Effects in Heritage Speakers and L2 Speakers of Spanish in The Netherlands" Languages 3, no. 3: 25. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages3030025