Culture Wars and Their Socioreligious Background

A special issue of Religions (ISSN 2077-1444). This special issue belongs to the section "Religions and Health/Psychology/Social Sciences".

Deadline for manuscript submissions: closed (30 April 2023) | Viewed by 17520

Special Issue Editors


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Guest Editor
Department of Sociology and Social Work, Public University of Navarra, 31015 Pamplona, Spain
Interests: sociology of religion; sociological theory; cultural sociology
Special Issues, Collections and Topics in MDPI journals

E-Mail Website
Guest Editor
Department of Sociology and Social Work, Public University of Navarra and I-Communitas, In-stitute for Advanced Social Research, 31006 Pamplona, Spain
Interests: sociology of religion; sociological theory; cultural sociology; transcendence; axial age
Special Issues, Collections and Topics in MDPI journals

E-Mail Website
Guest Editor
Department of Sociology and Social Work, Public University of Navarra, 31006 Pamplona, Spain
Interests: sociological theory; sociology of religion; creativity; collective imaginary; transcendence
Special Issues, Collections and Topics in MDPI journals

Special Issue Information

Dear Colleagues,

Emphasis is placed on "cultural conflict", but not so much on political–ideological conflict, such as the one that manifests itself through the code of political differentiation, conservative versus progressive (Luhmann, 1982). Cultural conflict manifests itself as a conflict between forms of classification—sacred/profane, normal/pathological, male/female, east/west, white/colored, etc.—(Durkheim, 1912; Bourdieu, 1985; Zerubavel, 2018), between values (Joas, 1997), between different systems of moral understanding (Davidson Hunter, 1991, 42), between competing positions on the meaning of memorials and statues (Tunzelmann, 2021), etc. Culture wars refer to struggles for the monopoly of legitimate representation of the world in the normative elucidation of controversial value-linked issues. Issues such as abortion, euthanasia, homosexuality, education in values, stem cell research, cloning, creationism, race, gender, immigration, etc., burst into the civil sphere of advanced societies as paradigms of a battle between supporters and opponents of each of the legislative decisions that concern these issues. In this context, public culture would consist of a set of complex classificatory systems of symbols and meanings that constitute a semantic field in permanent dynamic tension (Giesen, 2010: 15) involving national life, national identity, who and what we were in the past, who and what we are now, and last but not least, who and what we aspire to become in the future. We will analyze what the milestones, fundamental waves and semantic changes are that have shaped these culture wars over the last 100 years, in the form of a social and semantic genealogy of the concept: 

  1. The thesis of the "new warrior gods" (modern polytheism) formulated by Max Weber in 1920.
  2. The post-industrial neo-romantic cultural critique that emerged in the 1960s. 
  3. Neoconservative pendulum cultural criticism.
  4. S. A. Huntington's neo-Schmittian "clash of civilizations" theory (as opposed to Ulrich Beck's neo-Kantian "cosmopolitanism").
  5. Progressive modernities, regressive modernities and neo-populism:
  6. From economic sovereignty to cultural sovereignty.
  7. The elective affinities between racism, victimization, resentment, and fear of the diminishing status of the white minority.
  8. The white Christian nationalist backlash.
  9. A new heroism.
  10. A white mobilization and assault.

The issue will analyze the structure and meaning of today’s culture wars.

The main aim of this monographic issue is to focus on the mix of cultural contents (mainly socio-religious) which underly the today´s culture wars, using a comparative perspective of different countries and civilizations today.

Neopopulism has replaced the left as a voice of the protest. The economic crisis has offered the chance of revenge to the adversaries of the radicalism of 1960s. The radicalism of the cultural critique of the 1960s forgot that the human condition is tragic and forgot that the utopian reenactment of the free associated workers society of Marx, redefining the role of nature, should face a relentless increase in social complexity and as a result of that undoing came the first disappointment of our time (Cohen, 2021). The betrayal of the conservative revolution, entrusting everything to the invisible hand of the market, is the second great disappointment of our time. The jouissance of the 1960s brought with it, as a countermovement, the neoliberal competitive individualism of the 1980s and 1990s. The noble confrontation between emancipation and the return to tradition witnessed a great schism between, on the one hand, the winners—autonomous, emancipated from conventions— represented by the “society of singularities” (Reckwitz, 2017) which emerge as triumphant of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, of the convergence of biotechnology, nanotechnology, Big data and Artificial Intelligence shaping the “new reflexive class” in the terms of Bourdieu and Gouldner, and the losers, which seek in tradition one justification to negate the tradition of others—immigrants, the poor, women, Afro-Americans, etc. The migration of part of the working class towards to the neopopulist parties is the third great disappointment of our time.

We request that, prior to submitting a manuscript, interested authors initially submit a proposed title and an abstract of 400-600 words summarizing their intended contribution. Please send it to the guest editors (Email A) or to /Religions/ editorial office ([email protected]). Abstracts will be reviewed by the guest editors for the purposes of ensuring proper fit within the scope of the Special Issue. Full manuscripts will undergo double-blind peer-review.

Tentative completion schedule:

  • Abstract submission deadline: June, 2022
  • Notification of abstract acceptance: October, 2022
  • Full manuscript deadline: March, 2023

ALEXANDER J. C. (2012), Trauma. A Social Theory, Cambridge: Polity.

ALEXANDER J. C. (2013), The Dark Side of Modernity, Cambridge: Polity.

BADIOU, A. (2019): Trump, Cambridge: Polity Press.

BRÖCKLING, U. (2020): Postheroische Helden. Ein Zeitbild, Berlin: Suhrkamp.

COHEN, D. (2021): The Inglorious Years, New Haven, Yale University Press.

DURKHEIM, É. (1982): Las formas elementales de la vida religiosa, Madrid: Akal.

GIESEN, B. (2010): Zwischenlagen. Das Ausserordentliche als Grund der sozialen Wirklichkeit, Gotinga, Velbrück.

GORSKI, P. (2018): “Why Evangelicals voted for Trump: A Critical Cultural Sociology”, Jason L. Mast y Jeffrey C. Alexander (Eds.), Politics of Meaning/Meaning of Politics, London: Palgrave, pp. 166-183.

GORSKI, P. (2020): American Babylon: Christianity and Democracy Before and After Trump, London: Routledge.

HUNTER, J. D. (1991): Culture Wars. The Struggle to Define America, New York: Basic Books.

HUNTINGTON, S. P. (2002): El choque de civilizaciones y la reconfiguración del orden mundial, Barcelona: Paidos.

JOAS, H. (1997): Die Entstehung der Werte, Frankfurt, Suhrkamp.

LUHMANN, N. (1982): The Differentiation of Society, New York: Columbia University Press.

NORRIS, P., INGLEHART, R. (2019): Cultural Backlash. Trump, Brexit and Authoritarian Populism, New York: Cambridge University Press

RECKWITZ, A. (2017): Die Gesellschaft der Singularitäten, Frankfurt, Suhrkamp.

ROSS, R. J.  (1998): The Failure of Bismarck´s Kulturkampf: Catholicism and the State Power in Imperial Germany, 1871-1887, Washington DC: Catholic University of America.

WEBER, M. (1978): Economía y Sociedad, México: FCE.

WEBER, M. (2004): El político y el científico, Madrid: Alianza. 

ZERUBAVEL, E. (2018): Taken for Granted. The Remarkable Power of the Unremarkable, Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Dr. Josetxo Beriain
Dr. Javier Gil-Gimeno
Dr. Celso Sánchez Capdequí
Guest Editors

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Keywords

  • culture wars
  • religion
  • race
  • class
  • civil sphere

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Published Papers (7 papers)

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Research

16 pages, 353 KiB  
Article
Inverted Totems: On the Significance of “Woke” in the Culture Wars
by Todd Madigan
Religions 2023, 14(11), 1337; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14111337 - 24 Oct 2023
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 3083
Abstract
Early in the 21st century, the term woke became ubiquitous within the context of the culture wars. However, the meaning of the term has been notoriously difficult to pin down, and its use as a descriptor of the most bewildering range of phenomena [...] Read more.
Early in the 21st century, the term woke became ubiquitous within the context of the culture wars. However, the meaning of the term has been notoriously difficult to pin down, and its use as a descriptor of the most bewildering range of phenomena has led many commentators to declare the word meaningless. My claim is that instead of focusing on what woke means, we should focus on what it does. And in order to demonstrate what woke does, I situate it within a novel typology of totems. As a totem, woke serves to create and constitute the self-awareness of an otherwise indefinite social identity. But it does so as neither a traditional totem (i.e., by representing the group’s own sacred values and beliefs) nor an anti-totem (i.e., by representing an alien group with values and beliefs offensive to one’s own). Instead, woke is an inverted totem, a symbol embodying all that one’s social group is not, thereby representing one’s group negatively. I then argue that in spite of the fact that it is the political right that uses woke most vociferously within the culture wars, neither the Republican Party nor any other ideologically conservative institution is the social group symbolized by woke. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Culture Wars and Their Socioreligious Background)
48 pages, 13017 KiB  
Article
Have the Inhabitants of France, Great Britain, Spain, and the US Been Secularized? An Analysis Comparing the Religious Data in These Countries
by Vidal Díaz de Rada and Javier Gil-Gimeno
Religions 2023, 14(8), 1005; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14081005 - 7 Aug 2023
Cited by 2 | Viewed by 3040
Abstract
This paper carries out a comparative analysis of the religious beliefs and practices of residents in France, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, using two waves of the World Values Survey. The main objective is to investigate the impact [...] Read more.
This paper carries out a comparative analysis of the religious beliefs and practices of residents in France, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, using two waves of the World Values Survey. The main objective is to investigate the impact that secularization has had on the religious experience in these countries. More specifically, the prospection is carried out around the Christian creed in its Protestant and Catholic manifestations, understood as the majority beliefs in these countries. To carry out this task, we compiled a series of data distributed around the following categories: Contextualization: The importance of religion within different aspects of life; level of religiosity and membership in religious denominations; the sphere of beliefs: Belief in God, belief in life after death, belief in hell, and belief in heaven; scope of practices; and the nones. Subsequently, we carry out an explanatory-interpretative analysis articulated around four questions or challenges faced by these religious forms in the context of secularization: 1. The crisis of Christianity; 2. the thesis of European exceptionalism; and 3. the rise of the nones. In conclusion, the data analyzed allow us to affirm—with nuances—the following: 1. The existence of a process of dechurching in the heart of Christianity; 2. the confirmation that the European case is exceptional if we compare it with other trends or other cultural programs of secularization; 3. that the area of greatest dechurching is linked to community practice, something that allows this research to adhere to Davie’s thesis, which defines the current religious situation as believing without belonging; and 4. as a consequence of the process of dechurching, there is a rise of a social group without religious adscription: The nones. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Culture Wars and Their Socioreligious Background)
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17 pages, 332 KiB  
Article
The Hegemonic Character of Techno-Functional Neo-Immanentism and Its Relationship with Culture Wars
by Celso Sánchez Capdequí, Javier Gil-Gimeno and Pablo Echeverría Esparza
Religions 2023, 14(7), 943; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14070943 - 22 Jul 2023
Viewed by 1237
Abstract
This paper analyzes the social processes that have led to the consolidation of a technocratic secular order and the type of cultural struggle that has made this possible. To this end, it first proposes a reconstruction of the technocratic consciousness in the course [...] Read more.
This paper analyzes the social processes that have led to the consolidation of a technocratic secular order and the type of cultural struggle that has made this possible. To this end, it first proposes a reconstruction of the technocratic consciousness in the course of the secularization process that culminates in the technological determinism or technological solutionism of the social present; then, the analysis focuses on the neo-immanentist tendency of techno-functionalism, in which the secular context and the text of secularization become one and deplete a social explanation; thirdly, it reflects on and deals with the open nature of secular life, in which context does not determine social texts (inter-actions) and opens the way to the existence of different life options that compete with each other and even turn on—rebel against—institutional design. This reflection, then, focuses on the specific features of the culture wars in Western Judeo-Christian culture and its globalizing tendency. Finally, the document closes with a conclusion that analyzes the road travelled and introduces the new challenges arising from the arguments presented. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Culture Wars and Their Socioreligious Background)
17 pages, 333 KiB  
Article
The Emergence of Regressive Heroism in Current Far-Right Populism
by José M. Pérez-Agote and Eliana Aleman
Religions 2023, 14(7), 901; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14070901 - 12 Jul 2023
Viewed by 1572
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the ways in which heroic leadership is manifested in current right-wing populism. Based on the distinction between heroic modernity and postheroic modernity, a genealogy of the heroic populist leader is proposed. This figure is analyzed [...] Read more.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the ways in which heroic leadership is manifested in current right-wing populism. Based on the distinction between heroic modernity and postheroic modernity, a genealogy of the heroic populist leader is proposed. This figure is analyzed by following the hero’s life process in three moments: recognition of his charismatic exceptionality, the struggle to carry out his mission of salvation and the inevitable consequences of the struggle, which cannot be anything other than victory or defeat. Throughout these three phases of heroic action, the way in which the populist hero manages his charisma and intervenes in the culture wars will be shown. Finally, after accompanying him on this ritual journey, it will be understood why populist heroism adopts a regressive model of heroism. It is concluded that extreme right-wing populist heroism is regressive in character, both in its personal and institutional deployment. As a regressive force, it is a source of instability and conflict in postheroic modernity. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Culture Wars and Their Socioreligious Background)
13 pages, 308 KiB  
Article
Culture Wars and Nationalism
by Juan Maria Sánchez-Prieto
Religions 2023, 14(7), 898; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14070898 - 11 Jul 2023
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2673
Abstract
Culture war, as an analytical category, is a modern means of cultural struggle between antagonistic positions that seeks monopoly over the legitimate representation of one’s own identity. It constructs culturally contestable relations between substantive elements such as life, religion, nation, status or race, [...] Read more.
Culture war, as an analytical category, is a modern means of cultural struggle between antagonistic positions that seeks monopoly over the legitimate representation of one’s own identity. It constructs culturally contestable relations between substantive elements such as life, religion, nation, status or race, which are heavily invested with sacredness, turning the world of values into a fundamental battleground within the civil sphere. The culture war, more than a conflict of ideological interpretations, is a struggle for meaning, and therefore directly affects the question of identity, as particularly affected by the return of emotions. Hence its link with nationalism. From this perspective, and attending to the North American and European, more particularly French, spheres, the article has a bearing on the nature and characters of nationalism as fuel for cultural wars, with the aim of rethinking nationalism and its relationship with patriotism in order to arrive at a renewed idea of patriotism as an antidote to national-populism, constituted today as a privileged place for national worship and cultural warfare. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Culture Wars and Their Socioreligious Background)
19 pages, 452 KiB  
Article
The Religious Genesis of Conspiracy Theories and Their Consequences for Democracy and Religion: The Case of QAnon
by Juan Antonio Roche Cárcel
Religions 2023, 14(6), 734; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060734 - 1 Jun 2023
Cited by 2 | Viewed by 2591
Abstract
Here, we will approach Conspiracy Theories (CTs) and, specifically, QAnon following the three traditional sociological fields of research. After an introduction in which we contextualise CDTs socially, culturally, economically and politically and in which we establish a conceptual map of what they mean, [...] Read more.
Here, we will approach Conspiracy Theories (CTs) and, specifically, QAnon following the three traditional sociological fields of research. After an introduction in which we contextualise CDTs socially, culturally, economically and politically and in which we establish a conceptual map of what they mean, on the historical level (1), we will clarify their religious genesis, through the main analogies between them, magic and religion and their practices and rituals, as well as the conversion of conspiratorial agents into social agents of a religious nature. On the analytical side (2), we will deal with the QAnon belief system. Finally (3), from a critical perspective, we will describe the causes and harmful consequences of QAnon, both for religious sentiment itself and for democracy. We will conclude by pointing out that QAnon affects the coherence and stability of religious beliefs and democracy; in fact, it can be seen as libertarian authoritarianism and populism, advocating a sick freedom, the ultimate expression of the modern feeling of individual powerlessness and of a Modernity that has failed to deliver on its promises. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Culture Wars and Their Socioreligious Background)
11 pages, 240 KiB  
Article
Race in the Culture Wars
by Ronald Eyerman
Religions 2023, 14(6), 721; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060721 - 30 May 2023
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 1814
Abstract
Like culture war, race has many meanings. It can refer to objective essence, or characteristics that are inherited through genes, blood, or mystical spirits. Conversely, race is conceptualized as a historically changing social construction, a concept whose references and attributes vary according to [...] Read more.
Like culture war, race has many meanings. It can refer to objective essence, or characteristics that are inherited through genes, blood, or mystical spirits. Conversely, race is conceptualized as a historically changing social construction, a concept whose references and attributes vary according to present needs. In this article, I employ both conceptualizations through two illustrative examples. The first is race and racism in the US, where culture wars are fundamentally racialized. The second is the Troubles, a thirty-year period of violence (1960–1998) in Northern Ireland, a culture war turned into open war, where variants of race and racism were a determining factor. In the latter example, culture war turned into civil war, while, in the former example, extremists hope for the same. In the concluding sections, I identify the steps in a process that turned culture war into civil war, as it has great relevance to the American case. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Culture Wars and Their Socioreligious Background)
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