1. Introduction
Over the past three decades, China’s urbanization has been significantly shaped by the “floating population”—a term emerging from the nation’s distinctive household registration system. This concept captures the phenomenon where individuals reside away from their registered household location for over six months, encompassing both intra- and interprovincial movements [
1]. Driven by the aspiration to enhance living standards and the allure of urban life, this migratory trend has been a key factor in the evolution of the urban housing landscape, especially in cities experiencing net population growth. The evolution of urban housing in China has traversed three distinct epochs: the era of public housing, the phase of unit welfare housing, and the dual-track system of commercial and affordable housing [
2]. In 1998, the State Council issued the “Notice on Further Deepening the Reform of the Urban Housing System and Accelerating Housing Construction”, which marked the cessation of the housing welfare system and the inception of the dual-track system. Post-reform, urban housing provisions bifurcated into two streams: the market-driven private sector supplying commercial housing, and the governmental sector ensuring housing for low-income families who are temporarily unable to afford the commercial housing. Affordable housing, initiated in 1994, was earmarked by its restricted area and cost, catering to the urban low- and middle-income demographics and those facing housing adversities. However, the system’s design flaws during its execution phase have sparked debates over its efficiency and equity, as discussed by Qiwu and Yanwen [
3]. In 2007, a paradigm shift occurred with the State Council’s “Several Opinions on Solving the Housing Difficulties of Low-income Families in Urban Areas”, transitioning from property-rights-based affordable housing to a low-rent housing system integrating physical rent and financial aid. This marked the beginning of low-rent housing as the linchpin of China’s housing security for the lowest-income urban families. Despite this, local governments, as the sole providers, faced constraints in supply speed and capacity. This led to the integration of low-rent housing into the broader public rental housing system in 2014. The 2010-introduced public rental housing differed from its predecessor by easing tenant income requirements to include lower-middle-income urban families and expanding protection to non-urban residents. It also encouraged the inclusion of new city workers and long-term migrant workers, softening the rigid household registration and income criteria for housing security eligibility. Nonetheless, as a non-mandatory requirement, the urban floating population remained largely sidelined during implementation. In 2021, the State Council’s “Opinions on Accelerating the Development of Affordable Rental Housing” marked a pivotal shift in policy. For the first time, it explicitly recognized the extensive migrant population—including new citizens and the youth—as the primary beneficiaries within China’s housing security system for the “14th Five-Year Plan”(see
Table 1). The suite of policies implemented by the government significantly contributes to enhancing the migrant population’s sense of gain and security [
4,
5].
The fiscal decentralization reform of 1994, a component of China’s broader socio-economic restructuring, significantly escalated the financial burdens borne by local governments [
6]. In response, local authorities have sought alternative fiscal streams, including extra-budgetary funds and non-tax revenues, in order to bolster their coffers. The 2006 “Measures for the Administration of Revenue and Expenditures from the Transfer of State-owned Land Use Rights” endowed local governments with exclusive rights to land transfer revenues, thereby creating an institutional framework that incentivizes land sales as a fiscal strategy. This tax-sharing system has been identified as a catalyst for urban sprawl, prompting local governments to pursue aggressive urban expansion [
7]. The transfer of land designated for commercial housing development, primarily managed by the private sector, has emerged as a principal source of local fiscal income [
8], illustrating the intricate nexus between housing commercialization and land financialization [
9]. While commercial housing contributes to fiscal revenue through land sales, affordable housing, as a public service, is allocated without charge, thereby not directly augmenting land fiscal income. The construction of affordable housing not only strains local finances but also introduces competitive dynamics into the commercial housing market. This relationship is not one of complementarity, mediated by land finance, but rather one of substitution, where both sectors vie for scarce land resources [
10]. Consequently, in order to meet the directives of higher-level governments and mitigate land transfer fee losses, local governments frequently allocate low-value-added land for affordable housing construction. This approach adheres to a cost-minimization logic [
11], often resulting in the peripheralization of affordable housing areas, thereby fulfilling housing security mandates through policy alienation [
12,
13]. This selective land allocation strategy directly precipitates the socio-spatial marginalization of the insured groups [
14,
15], diminishing the subjective well-being of the residents [
16]. Research has demonstrated that low- and middle-income individuals, uprooted due to government affordable housing projects, experience a significant degree of job–housing separation, often culminating in job loss [
17].
The newly introduced affordable rental housing (ARH) initiative in China marks a departure from previous housing security models. The change is primarily evident in the shift in the housing supply entity. The government now provides policy support in six areas, including land, finance, and taxation, endorsing a market-oriented supply strategy under governmental guidance. Furthermore, the government has clarified that the target demographic for housing security is the extensive urban floating population, advocating for the construction of ARH based on the principle of job–housing balance. The primary beneficiaries of this housing are newly employed young adults, a demographic characterized by lower economic capital but relatively higher cultural capital, with a propensity to migrate towards city centers [
18,
19]. Additionally, the provision of affordable housing in China does not necessitate negotiations between the government and stakeholders, relying instead on the local government’s land allocation methods [
20]. Therefore, evaluating and assessing the job–housing balance of ARH is of practical significance in verifying the effectiveness of current housing security policies.
Before assessing the job–housing balance of ARH, it is crucial that we examine the relationship between the workplaces of new citizens and young adults, who are the primary users of rental housing, and commercial land. These groups often work in sectors such as services, technology, and innovation, which tend to cluster in commercial areas [
21,
22]. Therefore, their workplaces are closely related to the spatial distribution of commercial land. Additionally, China’s housing policy, especially the ARH policy, emphasizes the placement of rental housing near commercial service areas, industrial parks, and around transit stations in order to promote urban integration and the job–housing balance [
23,
24]. Hence, urban commercial land is a primary workplace for new citizens and young adults.
This study takes Shanghai as a case to analyze the spatial distribution of ARH land and commercial service land since the implementation of the ARH policy. It employs coupled coordination models to explore the supply relationship between these two types of land, assessing the current state of job–housing balance and potential improvement strategies. Furthermore, it investigates the accessibility between rental and commercial land based on the transportation network, evaluating the connection efficiency and travel convenience for different locations. Finally, this study uses local entropy values and clustering methods to map the relationship between the supply balance of the two types of land and their accessibility, providing a comprehensive evaluation of the city’s rental land supply policy. As the latest evolution in China’s comprehensive housing security system, ARH represents a significant policy shift. This research not only aims to inform nations striving to refine their housing systems about China’s innovative changes and policy objectives, providing a model for other developing countries, but also seeks to assess how well ARH fulfills the job–housing balance policy goal. These findings offer crucial insights for local Chinese governments to timely refine land supply strategies. Additionally, this study introduces a framework for analyzing job–housing land supply and demand balance, identifying regional disparities in urban areas through supply–demand and accessibility lenses. This framework offers valuable guidance and methodologies for further research focused on housing security for the young migrant demographic.
4. Discussion
The spatial distribution and interaction of ARH and commercial lands in Shanghai, as detailed in the results, offer a nuanced understanding of urban development patterns. These findings can provide insights into urban planning, socio-economic implications, and future development strategies.
The observed clustering of ARH lands primarily at the periphery of the central urban area and the southeast corner, as well as the concentration of commercial lands within the central urban area, reflect a typical urban development pattern. This pattern is often a result of urban development strategies focusing on economic growth and urban vitality in central areas, leading to a concentration of commercial activities and cultural landmarks, as discussed by Ram B. Singh [
43]. This spatial arrangement suggests a dichotomy between residential availability and commercial activities, potentially influencing commuting patterns and urban sprawl. The high level of coupling between rental housing and commercial land indicates a strong interdependence. However, the low coordination value suggests a mismatch in the spatial distribution of these land uses. The spatial conditions and urban form significantly influence the compatibility and distribution of mixed land uses, leading to high interdependence but poor spatial coordination [
44]. High coupling but low coordination between rental housing and commercial land was observed in Shanghai. This imbalance could lead to inefficiencies in urban functioning, such as increased travel times and reduced accessibility to essential services. The generally low accessibility between rental housing and commercial land, with significant travel times, underscores a critical challenge in urban mobility. This situation can exacerbate socio-economic disparities, as residents in less accessible areas may face greater difficulties in accessing employment and services. In addition, factors like urban population density and infrastructure development [
45], which are often unevenly distributed, can also lead to accessibility issues between different land uses such as rental housing and commercial land. To address the accessibility concerns between rental housing and commercial land in Shanghai, a multifaceted approach that integrates urban planning, transportation policy, and technological innovation is required.
The findings from the LISA cluster map and local entropy map provide a detailed understanding of the spatial relationships between coordination (the integration of commercial and housing land uses) and accessibility (ease of movement between these areas) in Shanghai. These relationships are crucial for urban planning and policy-making, as they directly impact the quality of life and economic efficiency of the city.
In the high–high (H–H) clustering, areas within the outer loop road benefit from a robust rail transit supply and a high level of integration between business and housing, indicating strong coordination and accessibility. This suggests that areas with well-developed public transportation and mixed land use exhibit better coordination and accessibility. It highlights the importance of integrated urban development strategies. In the high–low (H–L) clustering, the southeastern part of the urban area, despite having a balanced relationship between employment and housing, suffers from low accessibility due to underdeveloped transit systems. This indicates the need for focused development of public transportation infrastructure in areas where land use is already well-coordinated but accessibility is hindered by transportation limitations. In the low–high (L–H) clustering, areas concentrated within the outer loop road and the northern part of the city have high commercial land density but an imbalance between employment and housing. However, high accessibility is noted, which can mitigate some of the challenges posed by this imbalance. This suggests that even in areas where land use coordination is low, effective transportation can significantly improve accessibility and mitigate some negative impacts. In the low–low (L–L) clustering, the southern and western parts of the urban area, characterized by ruins, scenic spots, and universities, have both low coordination and accessibility. This highlights regions where comprehensive development strategies are needed, focusing on both land use planning and transportation improvements.
This study’s use of a local entropy map to analyze the spatial relationships between business–housing balance and accessibility in Shanghai reveals complex and varied dynamics across the city. The identification of six distinct types of local bivariate relationships provides critical insights for urban planners and policymakers. These findings are crucial for understanding how different urban areas interact and function, impacting the overall urban fabric of Shanghai. Positive linear relationships were predominantly observed in the western and eastern parts of Shanghai, and these areas show a direct, positive correlation between coordination and accessibility. This suggests that as the integration of business and housing land uses improves, so does the ease of access between these areas. Urban development strategies in these regions should continue to promote mixed-use developments and enhance transportation networks to sustain this positive trend. Negative linear relationships were observed in the northeast region, particularly in Longhua Street and Xujiahui Street, and these areas exhibit an inverse relationship between coordination and accessibility. This indicates a potential overemphasis on either housing or commercial land use at the expense of the other, leading to accessibility issues. Strategies should focus on balancing land use to improve coordination without compromising accessibility. Concave relationships were noted in towns adjacent to central districts, and these areas show a complex relationship where improvements in coordination do not linearly translate to better accessibility. This could be due to the saturation of land use or infrastructural limitations. Urban redevelopment and infrastructural upgrades might be necessary to enhance accessibility. Convex relationships were found in towns far from central districts, and improvements in coordination would lead to significant gains in accessibility. These areas likely have an untapped potential for development. Focused investments in infrastructure and mixed-use developments could yield substantial improvements in accessibility. Undefined complex relationships were observed in certain towns distant from central districts that exhibit complex and unpredictable relationships. These areas require detailed, case-by-case analysis to understand the underlying factors affecting their urban dynamics. Tailored, flexible urban planning approaches are needed. Not significant relationships could indicate either a balance or a lack of development in both aspects. Further investigation is needed to understand the specific dynamics and potential of these areas.
The division of Shanghai into eight types based on a “coordination–accessibility–dominant land type” perspective offers a nuanced understanding of urban dynamics. Different areas require tailored strategies. L–L–L areas (low coordination, low accessibility, and lagging rental housing) were concentrated in the central part of the city. These areas suffer from poor integration of housing and commercial land uses, limited accessibility, and a shortage of rental housing. Revitalization projects could be initiated to improve housing availability. Enhancing public transportation and promoting mixed-use developments can improve both accessibility and coordination. L–L–S areas (low coordination, low accessibility, and synchronous land use) were located in peripheral areas. These districts have a balance between housing and business but suffer from poor accessibility and integration. Development of local transportation networks, such as feeder bus services and community shuttles, can improve accessibility. Encouraging local business development can reduce the need for long-distance travel. L–L–B areas (low coordination, low accessibility, and better rental housing) were predominantly found in the southern urban area. These regions have adequate rental housing but lack coordination and accessibility, which can be improved by focusing on developing local employment opportunities to reduce commute times. Improving road infrastructure and public transit options can enhance accessibility. L–H–L and L–H–S areas (low coordination and high accessibility), located in central and northern urban areas, have good transportation but suffer from a mismatch between housing and commercial land uses. Urban planning should focus on rezoning and incentivizing mixed-use developments. Enhancing community facilities can also improve the living environment. L–H–B areas (low coordination, high accessibility, and better commercial land) were found near the central city. These areas have well-developed transportation and commercial land but lack housing options. Policies encouraging the development of affordable housing and residential projects can address this imbalance. Utilizing underused commercial spaces for residential purposes could be explored. H–H–L areas (high coordination, high accessibility, and lagging rental housing) were found in central city areas with good integration and accessibility but a shortage of rental housing. Implementing affordable housing initiatives and regulating real estate markets would prevent the excessive commercialization of residential spaces. H–H–S areas (high coordination, high accessibility, and synchronous land use) was a rare category, represented by only one town, and showed an ideal balance of housing and commercial land uses with excellent accessibility. These areas can serve as models for other parts of the city. Maintaining this balance through careful urban planning and community engagement is crucial.
The spatial mismatch and accessibility issues highlight the necessity for a more holistic approach to urban planning that bridges the gap between residential and commercial areas. The identification of hot and cold spots for both rental housing and commercial lands provides a roadmap for targeted interventions. Developing infrastructure and amenities in cold spot areas, while managing growth in hot spots, could lead to more balanced urban development. The spatial dynamics of rental housing and commercial land have significant implications for the socio-economic fabric of Shanghai. Areas with low accessibility and coordination may face challenges in economic development, social equity, and quality of life [
45]. The spatial patterns also have environmental implications. High-density commercial areas may contribute to urban heat islands, while peripheral residential areas might lead to increased vehicle emissions due to longer commutes [
43]. What is more, the specific spatial dynamics of rental housing and commercial land ensure that solutions are tailored to the specific needs and characteristics of each area. Shanghai, as China’s economic hub, experiences urban development that is heavily shaped by national directives, including the creation of free trade zones and liberalization efforts. The city’s design and transport infrastructure, particularly its public transit network, profoundly influence the spatial arrangement of residential and commercial areas. Moreover, Shanghai’s demographic composition and level of socioeconomic progress create a distinctive context for urban spatial dynamics. Given these specifics, future urban planning in Shanghai should promote mixed-use developments to enhance coordination and accessibility, thereby integrating living spaces, workplaces, and amenities. Investing in diverse transportation options, including public transit, cycling paths, and pedestrian-friendly streets, can improve accessibility across all areas. Implementing policies that promote affordable housing development, especially in areas with high commercial land density, can alleviate housing shortages. By addressing these spatial relationships, Shanghai can move towards more integrated, accessible, and balanced urban development, enhancing the overall quality of life for its residents. In addition to city-wide considerations, district and county levels must address the imbalance between employment and residence within their towns and villages. Policy adjustments should be made in response to the spatial disparities among these localities.
Figure 7 and
Figure 8 illustrate the spatial layout of commercial land in Shanghai, revealing a long-term pattern of expansion from the center outward. This pattern aligns with the monocentric city model, which is consistent with Shanghai’s land use form. The centralization of commercial land supports and verifies the monocentric city model. This spatial structure model provides valuable guidance and reference for studying urban housing land issues in China. The monocentric model explains the formation of land use patterns within the city through the relationship between commuting costs, housing prices, and housing consumption. It also highlights the central role of urban central areas in land use and underscores the significance of commuting costs in shaping urban spatial structure. For housing land, an increase in commuting costs may lead to a decrease in demand for housing far from the city center, as residents are unwilling to bear the high commuting costs. Consequently, housing prices in these areas may decline. Conversely, if commuting costs decrease, living far from the urban center becomes more feasible, potentially increasing housing demand and prices in these areas. Thus, reducing commuting costs or improving accessibility to central areas is a crucial strategy for promoting the construction of affordable housing.
This study also underscores the critical need for a balanced distribution of jobs and housing, particularly in the urban periphery. It identifies a pronounced disparity in the availability and accessibility of rental housing and commercial spaces in these regions, which bears significant consequences for the living standards and societal integration of newcomers and younger demographics. Policymakers are advised to reevaluate land use in suburban areas to foster a cohesive spatial arrangement of residential and commercial zones. Enhancing public transport infrastructure is also crucial for better connectivity between homes and workplaces. Moreover, fiscal incentives and subsidies could stimulate the development of affordable rental properties and business premises in these outskirts. Implementing these strategies may encounter challenges, including financial limitations, subpar infrastructure, and divergent interests between local authorities and developers. Future strategies could involve fostering collaborative efforts among governmental bodies, the private sector, and non-governmental organizations to pool resources; phasing large-scale projects into smaller, feasible segments for incremental improvements; and maintaining policy-making transparency to build public confidence and encourage community involvement.
5. Conclusions
This study introduces an innovative model to dissect the spatial interplay between rental housing and commercial land, assessing the job–housing balance for new citizens and young demographics within the context of Shanghai’s ARH policy. This research reveals significant spatial disparities in the relationship between commercial and rental land across different locations in Shanghai: (1) the spatial distribution of rental and commercial land in Shanghai exhibits a pattern of local clustering; (2) areas with a balanced supply between rental and commercial land are primarily concentrated in the city center; (3) accessibility between rental and commercial lands tends to decrease as one moves towards the outer edges of the city; (4) the city center mainly displays a lower supply balance but higher accessibility, while areas outside the city center, except for the northern part of Chongming County, which shows local low supply balance and high accessibility, generally exhibit low supply balance and low accessibility. The model introduced in this study illuminates the intricate spatial dynamics between housing and commercial zones, a phenomenon prevalent in many fast-growing global cities. The equilibrium of job and housing spaces is pivotal in urban design, significantly influencing the socioeconomic assimilation of new residents and younger cohorts. The identification of spatial variances underscores the necessity to account for land supply equilibrium in urban strategy, vital for cities’ enduring progression worldwide. Concurrently, the disparity in job–housing congruity serves as a critical metric for evaluating a city’s affordable housing agenda, indicating the efficacy of existing policies in addressing job–housing disparities and signaling the need for further urban planning refinements. This holistic methodology not only addresses immediate spatial discrepancies, but also fosters a sustainable framework for future urban development, ensuring that the job–housing balance aligns with the city’s broader socio-economic objectives.
While this study provides valuable insights, it does have limitations. The focus on case studies within specific regions means the methodology may require adaptation to suit diverse environmental and socioeconomic contexts. Data limitations, due to the timing of collection and regional conditions, may affect the research outcomes. Future studies should incorporate broader datasets and longitudinal analyses to overcome these constraints. Moreover, the lack of detailed employment population distribution data necessitates corrections to the supply and demand balance research. With access to such data, subsequent research could employ per capita metrics for leased and commercial land use to thoroughly assess the work–housing balance. Current accessibility measurements, based solely on vehicular speed restrictions due to traffic regulations, may not fully capture actual commuting scenarios. Future efforts should account for real-time commuting accessibility. Additionally, examining the evolution of the work–housing balance and identifying influencing factors will be crucial. Research could also extend to different urban typologies and sizes in order to understand their impact on urban sustainability. Finally, the influence of other urban planning policies, including transportation, land use, and economic strategies, on the affordable housing–job housing equilibrium warrants further exploration.