5.1. Key Findings
Several critical findings of this study are revealed. Initially, the results indicate that in the absence of control variables, AI generally has a negative effect on employment quality. That may suggest that automation driven by AI possibly reduces certain jobs and alters income levels by replacing certain types of jobs. Nevertheless, when control variables such as urbanization, openness, fiscal expenditure, and transportation infrastructure are included, the negative impact of AI becomes significant but remains minimal in magnitude, which suggests that its practical effect is limited. These findings highlight that AI’s influence on employment quality has a context-dependent nature.
The control variables’ significance (e.g., fiscal expenditure’s mitigating role) demonstrates that AI’s labor market impacts are inseparable from broader economic structures. For example, the negative coefficient for trade openness (−0.0090433) reveals that globalization amplifies AI-driven displacement in labor-intensive sectors, a pattern observed in India and Brazil. Conversely, financial development’s positive coefficient (+0.0337525 ***) suggests that credit access enables SMEs to adopt AI sustainably, creating high-skilled roles. These findings advance the literature by framing AI not as a standalone disruptor but as a force mediated by macroeconomic governance—a perspective absent in prior studies [
31].
Our findings are directly applicable to developing countries, particularly those undergoing rapid technological transitions, such as China. While much of the existing literature has focused on developed economies like the U.S. and Germany, where AI adoption has generally been more mature and concentrated in high-tech industries, our study highlights the heterogeneous impacts of AI across different regions of a developing country. In China, for example, AI adoption has led to different employment outcomes depending on the region’s level of industrialization and education infrastructure. In more developed eastern regions, AI tends to enhance employment quality by creating high-skilled jobs, while in underdeveloped central and western regions, AI adoption has displaced low-skilled jobs and led to skill polarization. This contrast underscores the need for region-specific policy interventions to ensure that AI-driven economic growth benefits all sectors of the labor market.
If the findings were more applicable to developed countries, we would explain that the different stages of technological adoption, infrastructure, and labor market structures between developed and developing countries play a critical role. In developed countries, AI has generally been integrated into high-tech industries with a skilled labor force, leading to net job creation in some sectors but displacement in others. In contrast, in developing countries, AI adoption may exacerbate labor market inequalities due to the higher concentration of low-skilled, labor-intensive jobs in certain regions. Therefore, while the general patterns we observe in our study may have some resonance with developed countries, the specific impacts of AI on employment in developing economies, particularly in rural or underdeveloped regions, can be more complex and require tailored policy responses.
The findings have broad applicability to other developing countries, particularly those that are actively pursuing technological upgrades and AI adoption. In these economies, regional disparities in industrial structure, infrastructure, and human capital closely mirror the situation in China. For instance, the rural–urban divide and the difference in regional economic development seen in China are similar to the challenges faced in many developing countries. As such, the lessons learned from China’s experience with AI adoption can provide valuable insights for other developing economies to ensure that AI-driven growth leads to equitable employment outcomes.
Apart from that, it is emphasized that regional disparities are evident in the disparate effects of AI. In the eastern regions of China, where industries are more advanced and reliant on low-skilled and labor-intensive jobs, it is noted that AI affects employment quality by eliminating traditional roles. Conversely, in central and western regions, AI adoption not only promotes industrial upgrading but also increases labor productivity and creates high-skilled jobs. In this way, employment quality is then enhanced. AI’s impact across regions varies according to industrial structure, labor market adaptability, policy support, and levels of technological adoption. Moreover, AI’s influence may lead to uneven income distribution, with low-skilled workers experiencing wage stagnation or decline, while high-skilled workers benefit from productivity bonuses.
Nevertheless, the robustness of these findings is confirmed through various tests. Even though the proxy for AI is replaced with the number of AI companies, the results remain consistent. Similarly, the results from the baseline are confirmed when we address lag variables to account for possible reverse causality. Consistent negative coefficients with tiny impact sizes provide additional support for the results’ credibility. These tests of robustness confirm that the results of the study are reliable.
5.2. Comparison with Literature
There have been numerous interesting results that add unique contributions to the body of knowledge of AI’s effects on the quality of employment [
16,
40,
41]. Above all, it highlights how important policy support is for reducing regional inequities. Government initiatives encouraging technological adoption and industry upgrading greatly improve the quality of jobs in central and western China. This point of view is not as often mentioned in the literature; hence, it offers a significant addition. Moreover, the research reveals how complicated and context-dependent artificial intelligence is, and solid empirical validation over several tests validates its conclusions.
The results emphasize skill polarization and regional variability in line with earlier studies. In line with previous research, it implies that the adoption of artificial intelligence disproportionately advantages highly trained individuals while displacing middle- and low-skilled labor, hence widening the skills gap [
40,
41,
42,
43]. By pointing out that automation has a negative impact on industrially developed eastern regions while boosting productivity and creating jobs in less developed central and western regions, it also supports studies on developing economies, including those conducted in Brazil and India [
32,
44,
45]. Moreover, it supports findings about income inequality, which show that the adoption of AI results in productivity gains for highly trained individuals and salary stagnation or decreases for low-skilled workers.
Nevertheless, this study deviates from a large portion of the literature by concluding that AI has a negligible practical impact on the quality of employment [
41,
42]. This study presents a fair view that helps to explain the small effect size of structural and geographical traits exclusive to China, even if the general conversation usually predicts disruptive changes in labor markets [
41,
42,
43,
44]. This disparity highlights the need for context in assessing the larger effects of artificial intelligence. The results on AI’s overall effect on job quality, including its statistically significant but limited practical implications, were found to be average in contrast with more disruptive estimations in the literature. This well-rounded perspective lends credence to the idea that politics and geography greatly influence the implications of AI, which are not always revolutionary.
While much of the existing literature on AI and employment quality has concentrated on developed economies, such as the U.S. and Germany, where AI adoption has primarily been associated with productivity gains in high-tech industries, this study offers a novel perspective by examining the impact of AI in China, a developing economy with diverse regional contexts. Previous studies from the BRICS nations (e.g., Brazil and India) also highlight the role of AI in industrial upgrading but show mixed results regarding its impact on employment quality [
44,
45]. This study expands upon these works by emphasizing regional disparities within China and how industrial structure and government policy can mediate AI’s effects on employment outcomes. Therefore, our findings not only contribute to the understanding of AI in developing economies but also complement studies in developed countries by highlighting the importance of regional context and policy interventions in shaping labor market outcomes.
Unlike Acemoglu and Restrepo’s (2020) findings in the U.S., China’s smaller effect size (−0.00003 vs. −0.0004) may reflect the regional policies buffering low-skilled workers [
2]. For instance, central/western provinces’ industrial upgrading programs (e.g., smart manufacturing subsidies) offset displacement, highlighting the role of state intervention in moderating AI’s labor market impacts.
In line with more general social, environmental, and financial objectives, the development of sustainable precision manufacturing marks a major turning point for raising employment quality in China. Considered the pillar of China’s industrial competitiveness, precision manufacturing is progressively incorporating innovative technologies influencing labor markets, worker dynamics, and sustainability. China has a path to address issues in improving employment quality and accomplishing environmental sustainability by means of artificial intelligence and the adoption of sustainable practices under the “Carbon Peak and Carbon Neutrality” targets [
46,
47].
The success of AI in the labor market more generally and in creative sectors more specifically relies on a double strategy. First, ensuring that designers and creative professionals view AI as a complementing tool rather than a threat to their work depends on developing trust in AI tools, particularly in creative sectors. Second, efficient policy actions are required to correct the disturbances in the labor market brought about by artificial intelligence. These laws should concentrate on ensuring that workers impacted by technological changes gain the skills required for success in an AI-driven economy, therefore enabling their seamless transfer. Furthermore, ethical issues are well discussed, including the possibility for artificial intelligence to exacerbate inequality or reduce job quality.
5.3. Limitations
Due to data availability, this study includes only 195 Chinese prefecture-level cities, primarily excluding certain western cities. Nevertheless, these cities constitute 70% of all prefecture-level cities in China, encompassing most of the population and diverse regional economies, thus adequately representing national economic conditions. Although the analysis focuses specifically on the initial AI integration phase (2011–2019), subsequent rapid advancements, such as generative AI and large language models post-2019, might significantly alter employment dynamics. However, this temporal limitation is valuable because it establishes a baseline for AI’s early labor market impacts, providing a foundational reference for longitudinal analyses. Future research should integrate updated data to explore AI’s evolving role in creative, managerial, and service sectors, contextualizing new developments such as gig economies and AI-driven platforms against previously identified trends. Additionally, this study measures employment quality through macro-level (urbanization and industrial structure) and micro-level (wages) indicators yet lacks qualitative worker-level data such as job satisfaction and skills acquisition. Incorporating individual-level survey data into future analyses could enrich our understanding of employment quality nuances.
5.4. Recommendations and Future Research Direction
AI and jobs must work together. Local firms’ training gives workers an advantage. Service-oriented places like the Pearl River Delta may benefit from intelligent manufacturing and automation training, while industry-focused locales may benefit from data analysis and AI. Business–technical college partnerships can improve training programs to meet industry needs. A “pay-for-results” skills development fund could help low-skilled persons earn credentials and find high-skilled jobs. Reducing labor transfers is as crucial as skill development. Policies like tax breaks and financial aid help promote more skilled jobs in new industries like smart manufacturing and the green economy. While regional talent networks can help eligible persons discover high-skilled positions, minimizing information asymmetries, low-skilled people can approach these opportunities with the help of career planning and employment counseling services. Improving social security nets—like better coverage for occupational injuries and medical conditions, more unemployment insurance, and transitional subsidies—boosts worker success in transferring and upskilling.
Future research should prioritize longitudinal analyses to track AI’s evolving impacts on high-risk sectors (e.g., manufacturing) versus high-growth sectors (e.g., fintech), leveraging firm-level robotics adoption data and worker skill transition surveys (2020–2030). Cross-country comparisons of decentralized (e.g., India and Brazil) and centralized (e.g., China) AI governance models could identify equity-focused policy strategies using multilevel regression frameworks. To address worker-centric gaps, mixed-method studies integrating surveys and natural language processing (NLP) of job postings should quantify AI’s daily workplace impacts on mental health and skill adaptation. Generative AI’s disruption of mid-skilled service roles (e.g., education and healthcare) in emerging economies warrants focused investigation, particularly its rural–urban disparity effects. Policymakers and researchers should collaborate on randomized controlled trials (RCTs) to test interventions like reskilling subsidies or robot tax incentives in matched city pairs (e.g., Chengdu vs. Chongqing), isolating causal employment outcomes. Finally, partnerships with NGOs to develop AI equity dashboards—mapping real-time displacement risks by demographics (age, gender) and issuing policy alerts—could bridge data gaps and prioritize protections for vulnerable populations. These directions address this study’s temporal and qualitative limitations while advancing causal methodologies to balance AI innovation with equitable labor outcomes.