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Article

Urban Growth and Land Artificialization in Secondary African Cities: A Spatiotemporal Analysis of Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo)

by
Tchakouni Sondou
1,*,
Kouassi Rodolphe Anoumou
1,
Coffi Cyprien Aholou
1,
Jérôme Chenal
2,3 and
Vitor Pessoa Colombo
2
1
Regional Center of Excellence on Sustainable Cities in Africa (CERVIDA-DOUNEDON), Université de Lomé, Lomé 01 BP 1515, Togo
2
Communauté d’Etudes Pour l’Aménagement du Territoire (CEAT), École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne (EPFL), 1015 Lausanne, Switzerland
3
Center of Urban Systems, Université Mohammed VI Polytechnique (UM6P), Benguérir 43150, Morocco
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Urban Sci. 2024, 8(4), 207; https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci8040207
Submission received: 25 September 2024 / Revised: 20 October 2024 / Accepted: 30 October 2024 / Published: 11 November 2024
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Abstract

:
While many studies have used Earth observations to quantify urbanization in Africa, there is still a lack of empirical evidence on the role of secondary cities in the fastest urbanizing region in the world. Moreover, the diversity of urbanization processes in Africa, which can be more or less compact in terms of land consumption, remains insufficiently acknowledged and under-documented. This empirical study employed mixed methods to address these research gaps. We analyzed and compared the spatiotemporal dynamics of two secondary African cities, Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo), between 1985 and 2020. We compared their spatial growth (the rate of urbanization of land) with their respective population growth rates using Landsat TM and ETM+ imagery, and population data. To understand the factors behind eventual differences between the spatial patterns of urbanization of the two cities, our quantitative analysis based on remote sensing was confronted with qualitative data from individual interviews with key stakeholders. Our results showed two distinct urbanization trajectories between 1985 and 2010, with Ho following a more compact pattern than Kpalimé. Since 2010, however, both cities have tended towards urban sprawl, with an urbanization rate greater than the population growth rate. According to the interviews, the main determinants of urban sprawl in these two secondary cities were the absence of housing policies for low-income groups, the absence or inefficacy of urban master plans, the preponderance of single-family housing, and land speculation.

1. Introduction

Africa has the highest urban growth rate worldwide [1]. According to the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA), the urbanization rate has increased from 35% in 2000 to 43.5% in 2020 (Urbanization and Development Section|United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (uneca.org)). This increase in urban population is often reflected in substantial land consumption through the growth of urban footprints. Of relevance, it is small and medium-sized cities (henceforth referred to as “secondary cities”) that have experienced the strongest demographic growth in the past four decades in Africa [2,3].
The marked urban growth of secondary African cities is expected to continue and even intensify in the years ahead. According to the United Cities and Local Governments [3,4], by 2030, two out of three new urban dwellers in Africa will settle in a small- or medium-sized city. The scale and speed of these urban transformations are unprecedented, and present enormous challenges. However, despite the critical role secondary cities seem to play in African urbanization, they are rarely the specific focus of urban studies. Indeed, several recent works have raised the concern that secondary cities in Africa still receive much less attention than capital cities from academics, politicians, experts, and donors [5,6,7]. They have been neglected by public authorities and research, despite being characterized by highly informal systems for which there are few data [8] and rapid, unplanned urbanization. They suffer from a lack of attention and support from research, raising many questions about their future. Scientific research in Africa tends to focus on metropolises, which are supposed to be the main centers of economic growth and innovation.
One of the main concerns related to the growth of secondary cities in Africa is to better understand the management of land, including the rate of land consumption and resulting urban forms [9]. Land is a genuine support for all societal development processes [9], and rapid urbanization and the sprawling growth of secondary towns are causing rapid changes in land use [10,11]. The outward expansion of cities fostering scattered urban forms is a palpable sign of unplanned and poorly managed urbanization [12]. The most critical impacts of this situation could be the disappearance of the original plant cover and the suppression of the agricultural activities on which a significant part of the urban population in Africa depends [2].
In this context, how can we ensure that these rapidly growing secondary towns are constructive partners in sustainable development? Given the impacts of urbanization on the quality of living environments and ecosystem services [13,14,15,16], it is imperative to better understand the different urbanization processes happening in Africa, which are still at an early stage (as compared to other regions in the world) and, possibly, identify concrete examples of sustainable urbanization.
There is already a robust body of research using remote sensing to detect, map and quantify the evolution of urban footprints, both across the globe and in Africa and at various spatiotemporal resolutions [1,16,17,18,19,20,21]. Notably, a recent study assessed the urban land use expansion across Africa [22], based on the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) indicator 11.3.1. Such studies are essential for achieving the SDGs, notably those linked to SDG 11 (sustainable cities and communities), which includes targets related to sustainable and efficient land use.
While there is a large amount of “top-down” studies quantifying urbanization in secondary African cities [23], recently emphasized there is a critical lack of “bottom-up” urban studies aiming to understand urbanization from the residents’ perspective. In fact, we argue there is a need for mixed studies directly connecting quantitative, earth observation data, with qualitative, primary data obtained from residents and decision-makers. This more comprehensive approach is key to better understanding context-specific drivers of urban growth and the diversity of urban forms across different locations.
West Africa is particularly affected by planning challenges related to the rapid growth of secondary cities, making this region a fertile ground for urban studies. There, urbanization “is going faster than anything else: faster than economic growth and productive investment, faster than urban planning and management” [24]. As in the rest of the continent, secondary cities in this region have absorbed most of this urban growth, accounting for 56% of the urban population [4]. For instance, in Togo and Ghana, between 1960 and 2020, the number of urban agglomerations with less than 30,000 inhabitants rose from 3 to 47 in Togo, and from 28 to 155 in Ghana; those between 30,000 and 300,000 went from 1 to 17 in Togo, and from 6 to 64 in Ghana.
The impact of urbanization on landscape patterns and the extent of urban sprawl in these growing secondary cities remains unclear [25]. However, despite the critical role secondary cities seem to play in African urbanization, they are rarely the specific focus of urban studies. They receive less attention from academics, politicians, experts and donors working on the urban fabric [6]. It is very important to know the extent and spatial configuration of urban growth in order to improve decision making [25].
Most existing studies in West Africa focused on large cities [12,26,27,28,29,30], while the few studies that focused on secondary cities [6,23,31] were either qualitative or quantitative, but never mixed. Moreover, to our knowledge there are no comparative studies assessing whether different urban governance frameworks can explain differences in urban forms. This study addressed this research gap by conducting a mixed methods analysis of the urban expansion of two secondary cities in West African countries under different governance frameworks: Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo).
This study aimed to answer the following questions: what are the historical dynamics in terms of urban and demographic growth in those two secondary cities? What factors explain these dynamics, from the perspective of local residents and decision-makers? To answer these questions, we employed mixed methods, using qualitative information from stakeholder interviews to discuss the determinants and temporal variations of urban growth in the two cities, quantified by satellite imagery.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Geographic Scope

This mixed methods study focused on Ho and Kpalimé (Figure 1). Ho, capital of the Volta and Ho Municipal Assembly, with an area of 31 km2, is located between latitudes 6°20′ N and 6°55′ N, and longitudes 0°12′ E and 0°53′ E. Ho is the largest city in south-eastern Ghana, about 175 km from Accra. Ho lies between Mount Adaklu and Mount Galenukui (Togo’s Atakora range). Ho was once the administrative capital of British Togoland. The municipality of Ho shares its northeast border with the Republic of Togo. Its population was 93,213 in 2024. Kpalimé, capital of the Kloto prefecture and Kloto 1 commune, is located at 6°55′ North latitude and 0°38′ East longitude, 120 km northwest of Lomé. Kloto 1 commune shares its southwest border with Ghana. Today, Kpalimé covers an area of over 35 km2. Its population was 87,478 in 2022.
Although geographically close, the two cities have developed under different governance structures, with one historically influenced by British occupation and the other by French occupation. During the colonial period, each colonial power had its own way of governing the territories under its control. For example, governance was very indirect for the British and more direct for the French, both of whom had to exercise great discretion because of their very limited presence (one or two executives per district) and resources [32]. French governance, described as “direct”, is highly centralized, standardized, non-participatory, and directive. It had no need for Togolese lower levels in the administration of the territory. In contrast, the British relied on lower levels, such as traditional chiefs, to administer the territory. As a result, the population was more or less involved in certain public actions.
Selecting two cities of similar size that have grown under such different urban governance cultures and systems allowed us to assess how the urban form and urbanization rates are related with local governance and urban planning structures (in addition to demographic growth). Moreover, these two cities illustrate the current challenges in terms of demographic growth and land use in the region. The two locations are marked by unplanned urban growth [33,34], having undergone rapid spatial expansion caused by rapid population growth and rural exodus. These significant changes in their landscapes and land use structure raise concerns regarding inequalities in socio-economic development and ecological sustainability [35]. Moreover, the two cities are characterized by unsustainable conversion of agricultural and natural land into building land. Those transformations have seriously affected the environment and socio-economic fabric [36], calling for further efforts to link urbanization and sustainable development [13,20].
For some years now, governments and funding bodies have been interested in addressing the urban planning challenges in the two cities. However, relatively little is known about their respective changes in land use and forms of urban expansion. Yet, it is critical to understand these spatial dynamics in order to formulate appropriate policies to improve urban planning and management.

2.2. Data

The qualitative analysis was based on a corpus of 108 interviews conducted between August 2022 and November 2023, i.e., 59 in Kpalimé and 49 in Ho. Table 1 shows the profiles of stakeholders interviewed and their different institutions or groups represented. We conducted a pre-survey between August and October 2022 in Ho and between December 2022 and February 2023 in Kpalimé. This pre-survey allowed us to measure the reliability and robustness of the questionnaire and its consistency with local realities. We used a purposive sampling method to select the interviewees, following the key stakeholder groups outlined in the International Guidelines on Urban and Territorial Planning [28,37]—these included representatives from governmental agencies, planning professionals, and civil society and their associations. All interviewees were directly involved in urban planning and management in the two locations, whether in the “formal” (administration members and practitioners) or “informal” (customary chiefs and other private actors) sector.
For the quantitative analyses, we obtained population data from the Ghana Statistical Service (GSS) and Togo’s Institut National de la Statistique et des Études Économiques et Démographiques (INSEED). To quantify the evolution of urban footprints over time, we used Landsat 4, 5, and 7 satellite images (Table 2) made freely available by the United States’ Geological Survey (USGS). The reference years for the spatial analysis (1985, 1995, 2010, and 2020) correspond to pivotal periods: 1985 urban footprints result from urban planning and development policies implemented under post-colonial governments; 1995 urban footprints result from the socio-economic and political crises that affected the two countries in the 1980s and 1990s; and the urban footprints of 2010 and 2020 result from the recent decentralization of governance.

2.3. Qualitative Analysis

We systematically classified qualitative data by theme. We transformed the raw data (audio recordings) by transcribing the interviews into verbatim form, thus organizing it in a format directly accessible for content analysis. The transcribed interview texts were processed using open coding (Sphinx 4.5). In this way, we identified subsets in the verbatim database and carried out semantic analysis. We focused on key concepts and ideas around the determinants of urban sprawl in the two cities, presented here in the Discussion section. The interviews were conducted independently of the quantitative spatial analyses, explained below. In fact, the aim of this qualitative analysis was to add a complementary perspective that could potentially explain the observations in the spatial analyses, and identify the main social factors behind urbanization trends in the two cities.

2.4. Quantitative Analysis

2.4.1. Geoprocessing

The quantitative analysis was based on land cover data obtained from Landsat satellite images. The latter contain spectral bands that enable us to identify different types of land cover, including built-up areas. This spectral classification of Landsat images was carried out using the ENVI software (version 5.0.3) and is described in this section. Land cover types were grouped into three main classes: built-up areas, open spaces, and vegetation. Once the different land cover classes were defined and organized in vector data layers, we used the ArcGIS software (version 10.8) to quantify these surfaces. This allowed us to assess the growth of built-up (urbanized) areas, as well as the regression of natural areas.
Image pre-processing and spectral classification in ENVI. Landsat satellite images were pre-processed using ENVI 5.3 software. The aim of this operation was to transform the satellite images into a land use map. Three land use classes were defined as follows: vegetation, bare ground, and built-up areas. Pre-processing included radiometric, atmospheric, and geometric correction to ensure data quality and accuracy. The WGS 84 UTM 31 N reference system was retained for the two cities. After checking the geometric quality of the images, the areas of interest were extracted for easier manipulation during classification. Spectral classification of Landsat 4–5 TM and Landsat 7 ETM+ images from the four reference years involved the following stages: extraction of study areas, color composition, supervised classification, post-classification, and vectorization. Extraction of study areas: Performed in ArcGIS with the “Extract by Mask” tool, this step involves superimposing satellite images and shapefile files to obtain images of areas of interest. Color compositions: Color compositions are linear combinations of three channels (Red, Green, and Blue) for the better discrimination of land use types. The natural color composition (4-3-2) was used for the optimum identification of the themes to be mapped. Selection of training plots: After color composition, samples were selected from the images of the different years. The coordinates of these samples were recorded with a GPS for verification in the field. A supervised classification was performed, using the “Maximum Likelihood” algorithm to transform the spectral information into a land-use map. This classification method is commonly used in remote sensing to classify image pixels into different land cover classes. It is based on the probability that a given pixel belongs to a certain class as a function of spectral band values. The data generated were exported in shapefile format for statistical processing and cartographic layout in ArcGIS. After spectral classification, a thorough check was carried out to correct any classification errors.

2.4.2. Land Use Sustainability Indicator

We assessed land use efficiency and sustainability based on the SDG indicator 11.3.1 (“ratio of land consumption rate to population growth rate”), advanced by Corbane et al. [38]. Hence, we calculated the land use rate (LCR) and the population growth rate (PGR) from 1985 to 2020. The LCR is given by Equation (1):
LCR =   L N   (     U r b t f U r b t 0     ) n × 100
LCR = land consumption rate;
n = number of years between the two measurement periods ( t 0 and t f );
U r b t f = total built up area for final year;
U r b t 0 = total built up area for initial year.
As for the average annual growth rate of the population (PGR), it is given by Equation (2):
PGR =   L N   (     P o p t f P o p t 0     ) n × 100
PGR = population growth rate (average over n years);
n = number of years between the two measurement periods ( t 0 and t f );
P o p t f = total population within the city in the final year;
P o p t 0 = total population within the city in the initial year;
N = the number of numbers between the two measurement periods.
On this basis, we calculated the SDG indicator 11.3.1 (ratio of land consumption rate to population growth rate, LCRPGR) with Equation (3):
L C R P G R = L C R P G R

2.5. Ethical Considerations

For reasons of anonymity, we do not mention the names of the interviewees in our qualitative analysis. Indeed, the participants gave their formal oral consent to take part in the study and have their points of view published, provided they remain anonymous. Hence, instead of names, we use abbreviations which in no way reflect the identities of the interviewees.

3. Results

3.1. Two Secondary Cities with Sustained Demographic Growth

Figure 2 shows the evolution of the resident population in Ho and Kpalimé since 1960. The demographic dynamics of the two cities are generally similar. In six decades, their populations have increased almost tenfold, with the strongest growth happening between 1980 and 2010, then tending towards a slower, but still significant demographic growth since 2010. Of note, both Ghana and Togo are characterized by an extremely young population, with about one out of two people being under the age of 20 years old [39]. With relatively young populations, we can expect that overall demographic growth in these two countries will remain sustained in the next years.

3.2. Spatial Development of Ho and Kpalimé

Our spatiotemporal analysis of the evolution of land cover revealed different trends in Ho and Kpalimé. In Figure 3 and Figure 4, urban footprints are shown in red, vegetation in green, and bare soil in yellow. From 1985 to 2020, Kpalimé (Figure 3) witnessed a constant urban sprawl, with its built-up area growing steadily at the expense of farmland and natural vegetation. The urban footprint of Kpalimé absorbed the villages in its immediate vicinity, in an urban expansion process that has been diffuse and multidirectional. These transformations are quantified in Table 3. Natural vegetation within the administrative perimeter of Kpalimé decreased from 32,949 hectares in 1985 to 20,576 hectares in 2020. By contrast, the built-up area has increased from 1088 hectares in 1985 to 3876 hectares in 2020. We note that most of the natural areas consumed in Kpalimé between 1985 and 2020 were transformed into bare soil, rather than built-up areas. Nevertheless, built-up areas increased at a much higher rate than the resident population, respectively, 256% versus 102% over the same period.
In Ho (Figure 4), urban growth was more compact than in Kpalimé, particularly between 1985 and 2010. During this period, the population increased by 141%, while the growth of the urban area was limited to 115% (Table 3). It is only in the period of 2010 to 2020 that these trends are reversed, with the urban land area growing faster than the population of Ho, resulting in a level of urban sprawl comparable to that observed in Kpalimé.
Figure 5 shows a trend towards urban sprawl in both cities since 2010, with their respective LCR being higher than the PGR. Globally, the growth of the urban footprint was more pronounced in Kpalimé than in Ho, with greater LCRs over the period of 1985–2020, except for the period of 1995–2010, when both cities showed roughly similar rates. Of relevance, at a time when Kpalimé was experiencing an LCR of 5.8% for a PGR of 2.4%, i.e., between 1985 and 1995, Ho was experiencing an LCR of just 2.1%, against a population growth rate of 3.4%. By 2010, the LCRs overtook the population growth rates in both cities, but still being mre marked in Kpalimé than in Ho. However, looking at the ODD 11.3.1 indicator (ratio of land consumption rate to population growth rate, shown in Figure 6) between 2010 and 2020, Ho had a worse performance than Kpalimé. Indeed, the relation between the LCR and PGR was higher in Ho (3.25) than in Kpalimé (2.49).

4. Discussion

How can we explain the contrasting spatiotemporal evolutions in the two cities, particularly in the period of 1985–2010? The quantitative analysis of Landsat images provided us with empirical evidence of these differences, but did not provide any elements regarding the social, political, and economic drivers behind the urbanization patterns in these two sites. To this end, we have compared our quantitative observations with qualitative data gathered through interviews, as well as with the existing literature.

4.1. Overview: General Trends and Regional Comparison

The city of Ho became denser before expanding outwards. Over the period of 1985–2010, urban growth was confined to the city’s older districts such as Ahoe and Dome, where economic activities were also concentrated [40]. The results in Figure 6 show that Ho has a value of 0.70 and 3.25 for indicator 11.3.1 from 1985 to 2010 and 2010 to 2020, respectively. Hence, Ho has experienced two types of urban growth: a coalescence phase, characterized by the filling in of interstitial spaces (indicator 11.3.1 lower than 1), and a diffusion phase, characterized by leapfrog urban expansion (indicator 11.3.1 greater than 1). Indeed, the coalescence phase involves the densification of vacant land in existing urban areas, rather than the occupation of new plots outside the urban core. Our findings in Ho are consistent with those in other Ghanaian secondary towns. Previous studies by [7,41,42] also found that urban sprawl in Ghana was most visible since the 2000s. As with its Ghanese counterparts, the recent urban growth of Ho has been diffused, extending outwards and absorbing the surrounding rural and semi-urban areas.
As for Kpalimé, Figure 6 reveals that the indicator 11.3.1 between the periods of 1985–1995 and 2010–2020 was, respectively, 2.38 and 2.49, showing a significant spatial expansion of its urban area in relation to population growth. As early as the 1980s, Dupont [43] already highlighted this discrepancy between population growth and urban growth. This assessment was later confirmed by Biakouye [44], who also denounced Kpalimé’s disproportionate urban sprawl in relation to its population. Historically speaking, Kpalimé has seen the greatest urban expansion since 1970 [45]. Between 1995–2010, however, the indicator was close to 1, suggesting a more compact urbanization. This specific period corresponds to Togo’s “dark” years: the unlimited strike of 1992 and the socio-political unrest at that time discouraged investment in land and property, thus limiting urban sprawl.
When confronted with cities in other African countries having a resident population between 50 and 100 thousand people, the SDG indicator 11.3.1 for our two study sites between 2010 and 2020 were rather high. In other words, the urban growth of Ho and Kpalimé was less compact than the average observed in their African counterparts. Indeed, a recent study [22] showed that, between 2016 and 2020, the average SDG indicator 11.3.1 for cities of an equivalent population size in Ethiopia, Nigeria, and South Africa was, respectively, 2.89, 1.36, and 2.41.
As we will explain, Ho was able to limit land consumption until the 2000s for three main reasons: spiritual attachment to land, the economic crisis, and housing policies. However, this often took place in an anarchic fashion, with the informal occupation of land in urban areas that were not served by basic amenities [46]. Between 2010 and 2020, Ho’s urbanization trends became more similar to those observed in Kpalimé, with a more diffuse growth of the urban footprint. The built-up areas grew at a faster pace than the population; [47,48] were right when they stated that drivers of the rate of land cover change in Ho are more complex than simple population growth. Overall, Ho’s urban form has not followed a clear territorial development pattern. Its urban layout is irregular and poorly structured by roads.
The rapid pace of urban growth in Ho and Kpalimé in recent years has led to the excessive consumption of agricultural and natural land. In the long term, this horizontal and diffuse urbanization can lead to vast landscapes of dormitory cities and precarious housing, reflecting the image of a fragmented and incremental city [49], representing an unfinished urban entity in search of an identity [50]. Nonetheless, as we have seen in the 1985–2010 period in Ho, it is possible to follow a more efficient and sustainable pattern of urbanization in terms of natural land consumption. To do so, it is crucial to understand the drivers of urban sprawl in such socially complex contexts.

4.2. Drivers of Urban Sprawl in Kpalimé and Ho

4.2.1. Single-Family Homes

According to various sources, one of the main driving forces behind the expansion of the urban area in Kpalimé is the promotion of single-family housing, facilitated by land subdivision operations and driven by societal values. This corroborates a recent study arguing that the expansion of Africa’s secondary cities is partly attributable to the construction of single-storey buildings [51]. “Anyone wants to have their own house, it’s a sign of success and respect” (STA 17, interview, Kpalimé). Indeed, individual ownership is deeply rooted in people’s mentalities. “For the Togolese, owning their own home confers a social position; it’s a sign of ascent and honor” (STA 20, interview, Kpalimé). “It’s the desire of each individual to have his or her own house that enlarges the city, and we end up with a city spread over several kilometers instead of one or two kilometers” (STA3, interview, Kpalimé). Moreover, in the absence of social housing policies, the population is self-producing its own housing. “Everyone, according to their abilities, looks for a plot of land where they can afford the transaction costs” (STA10, interview, Kpalimé). In this way, Kpalimé is characterized by the extensive development of individual housing along the main roads and rivers.
As for Ho, the compact urbanization initially observed there can be explained by the history of housing policies of Ghanaian governments between the 1950s and 1980s, which were more oriented towards financing collective housing units—of a denser typology than single-family housing. This situation has also discouraged civil servants from aspiring to single-family homes. According to a Ho source, “the construction of public housing for civil servants has killed any desire in them to have an individual house. This is why most do not have a house project” (PVLMD, interview, Ho). It is only in the 2010–2020 period, when land consumption rates became higher than population growth rates, that we see a more diffuse urbanization, typical of individual housing. This can be explained by the “lack of financial resources and the weak political will of local authorities to undertake initiatives to produce social housing” (HPBI, interview, Ho). [7] estimates that household fragmentation (1.8 per household) in the Wa and Bolgatanga communes has led to an increase in housing demand. Thus, the prevalence of individual housing leads to the acquisition of property rights and thus to the expansion of cities. In this new context, Ho’s inhabitants have had to find their housing on the private market, often informally, and by occupying housing estates on the urban bangs. According to one interviewee, “the housing sector has seen massive investments in recent years from local investors but also and especially foreigners” (LMS, interview, Ho).
In general, the sharp increase in single-family houses, the poor coordination of spatial planning and development, and the unregulated land market in both cities have led to the intermittent, uncontrolled expansion of their peripheries, resonating with the findings of previous studies in West Africa [6,52,53].

4.2.2. Lack of Effective Housing and Urban Planning Policies

According to the interviews and site visits, urbanization in both cities is predominantly extra-legal, with the coexistence of customary and modern land laws [9], an observation consistent with previous studies in West Africa [41,42,54]. In the absence of effective housing policies, especially from the 2000s onwards, “modes of production are marked by the importance of the informal sector” (STA10, interview, Kpalimé). Even the central districts are marked by informal residential areas lacking basic services. The highly heterogeneous urban forms in both cities suggest that there are almost no housing projects approved by the public authorities. According to a source in Kpalimé, “the population is not informed of the existence of urban planning documents, nor instructed on the steps to be taken before subdividing a property, buying a plot of urban land, or building a house. So the disorder and urban sprawl we’re seeing here in Kpalimé is just the result of all that” (STA23, interview, Kpalimé). Thus, we understand “the inadequacy of the legislative and regulatory texts“ (MDPO, interview, Ho), and “the weakness of the means of local authorities and the total disengagement of the State in supporting the implementation of planning tools” (STA1, interview, Kpalimé) have led households to “ignore the processes of obtaining building permits and not making these the foundation of the security of their tenure” (STA26, interview, Kpalimé).
According to a Togolese source, “if today we find that the planning tools developed in our cities are not respected, as in the case of Kpalimé, it’s quite simply because those in charge of enforcing these tools don’t first know the importance of their existence, and therefore don’t try to master their content, until they are respected” (STA4, interview, Kpalimé). In Ho, according to a public officer, the lack of the effective implementation and management of urban planning tools in recent years reflects “insufficient personnel, equipment and weak support from the Ghanaian government for planning activities. This has negatively affected the implementation of planning tools and rational land management” (PPO1, interview, Ho). This is the conclusion reached by [7,31] in their studies of secondary towns in Ghana. In the towns of Wa and Bolgatanga, [7] point out that inadequate budgetary support, an insufficient number of planning professionals, a complex land tenure system, and a lack of developer awareness of land acquisition and permitting induce development that often does not correspond to the town’s physical development plans. This makes development unsustainable. Furthermore, “municipalities do not allocate enough budgetary allocations to urban planning” (PPO2, interview, Ho). The municipal authorities of Kloto 1 “do not even allocate a budget line for physical planning of the city” (STA3, interview, Kpalimé). Thus, the authorities find themselves with insufficient means to guide and manage land use effectively, leaving people on the ground without planning tools and land management. The result is the urban sprawl faced by these two cities.
As [7] pointed out, new house construction in both towns, as in most secondary towns in both Ghana and Togo, is poorly institutionalized and regulated. The development of these houses is ad hoc and gradual [7], in the absence of a strong authority able to control these developments. Although Ho and Kpalimé have planning tools, these exist only on paper [36,55]. Operationalization is often complex and problematic due to institutional shortcomings.
The challenges faced by Ho and Kpalimé, in their current contexts, are not only related to the lack of awareness of the various stakeholders (“common” citizens as well as technicians) but are also all related to establishing governance mechanisms enabling coherent and consensual planning [56]. These cities suffer from the multiplication of decision-making processes that are scattered at different levels. The institutional structure for urban planning is complex, with multiple players involved and often overlapping activities. In particular, there is a lack of coordination between ministries and agencies and between the various programs for road infrastructure, basic urban services (water, electricity, schools, health, etc.), and housing. Faced with the challenges of insufficient financial and human resources for planning combined with a complex land tenure system and the low involvement of other actors in urban management, urban development has largely moved away from the prescriptions of land use planning tools [6].

4.2.3. Economic Interests in Land and Complacency of Authorities

In the Ho and Kpalimé cities, the economic value of land and pressure from speculators strongly encourage the fragmentation of plots and urban sprawl. These processes also benefit from the complacency of local authorities and elites, particularly in Kpalimé. According to an official in the technical services department of the Kloto 1 (Kpalimé) town council, “land on the outskirts near the town center is monopolized by the wealthy classes, forcing the less well-off to move to the outskirts to find land that is financially accessible, which means that land consumption per inhabitant is much higher. What’s funny is that land speculation is carried out with the tacit complicity of everyone involved: landowners, surveyors, the town council and the state”. (STA 2, interview, Kpalimé). Moreover, in Kpalimé, “subdivision operations are mainly the work of private players, without consulting the public authorities. Kpalimé is the result of these uncontrolled and illegal operations. It’s this lack of control over occupation that has led to the unstoppable urban sprawl we face on a daily basis” (STA 15, interview, Kpalimé). More and more people prefer to settle on the outskirts of the city, where the cost of land is relatively cheap.
The complacency of the Kpalimé’s authorities towards urban sprawl is long-standing. The 1983 master plan already stimulated demand and land fragmentation, facilitating urban sprawl from the 1980s onwards. “Surveyor’s offices used this document as a basis for extending housing estates outside the perimeter of the master plan” (STA 4, interview, Kpalimé). According to a surveyor’s office manager in Kpalimé, “the master plan played a big role in supply. We used this document as proof of legality in our subdivision operations to take advantage of the potential sums involved” (STA15, interview, Kpalimé). In more recent years, “due to the lack of control by the authorities in their implementation, surveyors take advantage of this to extend the urban grid on the basis of urban planning documents ideally approved by the State, and, as a result, subdivisions without supervision by the authorities are happening everywhere, even in areas unsuitable for human habitation” (STA5, interview, Kpalimé). All these anarchic subdivisions of family plots and the sale of these plots have therefore influenced the phenomenon of the disproportionate expansion of inhabited areas in our small- and medium-sized cities [9,36].
In Ho, on the contrary, the early planning schemes established by the post-independent authorities mainly focused on consolidating existing urban areas and restructuring the economy to reduce poverty. According to an interviewee, “the tradition of development planning aimed solely at formulating plans to ensure socio-economic development was distinct from spatial planning, which was very centralized. The Ghanaian government focused only on economic transformation through industrialization and infrastructure development” (MDPO, interview, Ho). Thus, “Ho’s 1978 master plan aimed at opening roads and developing infrastructure in the existing city without considering the extension of the city” (PPO 2, interview, Ho). Today, land management in Ho is the responsibility of Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority (LUSPA), Lands Commission, and Ho Municipal Assembly (HMA). They guide and control the city’s physical development. LUSPA is a decentralized institution operating at the national and regional levels. Anyone wishing to acquire a piece of land must go through the Lands Commission to follow several steps: (i) conduct a search with a site plan at the Lands Commission; (ii) conduct a search to see if the family who is forging to grant the land is the owner; and (iii) make the payment. This land acquisition process is slow, cumbersome, and unsustainable [57], often delaying obtaining permission from landowners and acquiring the title to the property, a prerequisite for developing [58] a construction project.
Economic aspects played a major role in Ho, but in different ways. [48] explained that the factors behind the land cover transformation there are more complex than simple demographic and industrial growth. At first, the economic dimension of land was less important than its cultural, spiritual dimension. Indeed, land owners had a spiritual attachment to the land, which meant that they were not inclined to sell off their property. “This happened because land was not treated as a commodity as it encompassed history and the owners refused to engage in a financial transaction. The sale of land was seen as an offense against the ancestors and they reacted severely to anyone who tried to exploit others or bargain for land to make money” (interview with a traditional leader, Ho). At the same time, the fragile economic situation during the 1970s and 1980s was certainly a major determinant in containing land occupation. In fact, “a period of inertia followed the coup d’état of 1966. The interventionism of revolutionary and then socialist governments (nationalization, particularly of land, centralized planning) and impoverishment of the population (low productivity, growing urban unemployment, declining wages, rising cost of living) impacted the land and real estate markets” (MDPO, interview, Ho). According to an interviewee, “the economic recession of the 1970s–1980s had the effect of reducing the purchasing power of the city’s population [...], ultimately compromising development, with no one wishing to invest in the land and [...] real estate” (PPO 2, interview, Ho). Consequently, city dwellers adopted “lifestyles comparable to those of a compact city, no one thought of building a home, no need to go far from the center where there is a concentration of basic urban services” (SPC 2, interview, Ho).
Since the 2000s, however, the subdivision of housing and land plots and other uses has affected the urban peripheries of Ho, leading to the urban sprawl observed between 2010 and 2020. This land conversion has occurred in a context marked, on the supply side, by a very high valuation of the land intended for the construction of housing and its economic function, as well as decentralization; and, on the demand side, by a strong pressure exerted by real estate developers and surveyors’ offices.

4.2.4. Transport Infrastructure and Services

Transport networks have had a major impact on the urban form, structuring, and functioning of the urban areas. Indeed, travel is a determining factor, as it conditions the choice of place of residence. As we shall see, there is an intrinsic link between the urban forms of Ho and Kpalimé, and mobility options in these cities. Thus, urbanization in both cities is not just a matter of housing, but it is also linked to infrastructure and means of transport, as well as commercial zones.
The construction of Ho’s airport, inaugurated in 2021, and the development of several major inter- and intra-urban roads constitute an essential link in the distended, discontinuous spatial development in Ho in recent years. The creation of arterial roads has increased the number of connecting nodes, facilitating the construction of new neighborhoods. Indeed, “in the 1990s, it was difficult to obtain a building permit without a minimum of development work, such as the extension of the electricity and water networks or road improvements. But in recent years, with the introduction of the principle of governance by the road infrastructure network, as long as there is already a development project in an area, building permits are issued, and the number of applicants for building permits has exploded, which has largely contributed to urban sprawl” (DPO, interview, Ho). This may explain Ho’s urban sprawl since 2010, which has been accompanied by a steady increase in the mobility needs of people and goods. To meet this growing demand for mobility, as of 2017, the “artisanal” mode of public transport has made its appearance. These are the tricycles known as “Keke” or “Yellow Car” or “Candou”; today, they are the main means of motorized transport in Ho.
In Kpalimé as well, the introduction of motorcycle cabs (“moto-taxis”) has contributed to urban sprawl. “Moto-taxis have enabled people to settle all over the territory, and localities such as Tové, Somayi and Kpodzi, located on strategic roads, owe the densification of land use in part to the informal transport system” (STA33, interview, Kpalimé). In fact, the introduction of the moto-taxi as a means of transport in 1992 had an impact on the location of homes. This corroborates a recent empirical study that highlighted the importance of informal transport services for daily travel in urban peripheries in West Africa [59]. In addition to informal transport services, the establishment of socio-educational infrastructures such as Institut National de Formation Agricole (INFA) de Tové, the civil prison, and the development of new commercial zones have also influenced Kpalimé’s spatial expansion.

4.3. The Diversity of Urbanization in West Africa

There still seems to be no clear consensus when it comes to understanding the urban form and the very definition of “city” in sub-Saharan Africa. Beyond the inconsistencies between administrative definitions and the actual spatial extent of cities [1], these controversies are historically given by a lack of conceptual references adapted to the African context, whether in terms of the form of the built environment [60], or urban infrastructures [61]. In this sense, mixed studies such as this one, combining the potential given by remote sensing and the contextual sensitivity of qualitative field analysis, are essential to better understand not only the form but also the drivers of urbanization in Africa.
The urbanization of Ho and Kpalimé has brought rural areas and satellite towns—such as Sokodè in Ho, or Tové, Zomayi, and Gbodzi in Kpalimé—into their functional areas. This shows that the urbanization of secondary cities in West Africa occurs not only through migration and natural population growth—factors most commonly used to explain the rapid expansion of cities in Africa [27]—but also through the absorption of rural areas by expanding urban agglomerations. This process can produce morphological discontinuities and societal mutations, with a distended, heterogeneous, and polycentric urban spatiality.
Our analysis of land cover and population growth indicators in Ho and Kpalimé revealed significant disparities in the urban dynamics of these two cities, illustrating the diversity of urbanization processes in the same region of the African continent. The quantitative spatial analyses showed that, despite population growth being considered a major determinant of urban sprawl in Africa [35,54,62,63], the city of Ho did not become dispersed between 1985 and 2010, precisely the period when its population growth was most pronounced. On the other hand, this hypothesis was confirmed in Kpalimé, where population growth was accompanied by even greater land consumption from 1985 to 2020. From the 2000s onwards, the urban areas of both cities followed similar trends, spreading out to their peripheries and absorbing rural and semi-urban areas within their urban perimeters. We observed that the extensional urbanization model has been the main growth model in Kpalimé since 1985. In Ho, on the other hand, the main pattern was urban growth by coalescence from 1985 to 2010; it was only from 2010 onwards that we could observe a predominantly extensional pattern. At present, both cities are facing challenges linked to the extensional model, notably the emergence of unregulated neighborhoods lacking essential services. Above all, both cities struggle to implement a coherent, sustainable land use policy. Other studies in West Africa have already pointed out that unregulated land grabbing in cities constitutes a major challenge, and “emanates from an imbalance between galloping demography and land availability, on the one hand, and a transgression of normative spatial organization texts, on the other” [64].

4.4. Policy Recommendations

The quest for sustainable urban development implies a radical change in the dominant logic of urban policies, especially regarding land use. Indeed, land use regulation mechanisms are essential for harmonizing land consumption and spatial planning, protecting agricultural land and non aedificandi areas. In particular, these regulatory mechanisms can promote functional synergies through an appropriate mix of social groups and socio-economic activities through more compact urban forms and inclusive land use policies [65].
While demographic growth is generally cited as the main factor explaining the rapid expansion of cities in Africa [66], our findings suggest that the presence (or absence) of affordable, collective housing schemes and the enforcement of land use policies were more determinant factors in the urban development of Ho and Kpalimé. These results are in line with previous studies in the African continent [7,67]. In addition, the development of residential, educational, and road infrastructures is also a key driver of urban extension, as seen elsewhere [6,68].
Spatial development by optimization, as observed in the city of Ho between 1985 and 2010, is attributable to enforceable building codes and the promotion of affordable housing situated within the existing urban footprint. The obsolescence of building codes (through their inadequacy with the socio-economic reality on the ground) and the expulsion of households to the urban fringes due to high land prices and speculation are main concerns that must be constantly addressed by urban planning authorities. To this end, citizens and civil society organizations need to be more involved in the planning and implementation processes—a participatory approach that is, yet, still counterintuitive in contexts marked by decades of centralized planning. Finally, to be able to enforce policies and implement coherent urban planning strategies, it is also necessary to increase the number of staff and improve the technical capacity of local administrations of secondary cities such as Ho and Kpalimé.

4.5. Study Limitations

This study aimed to connect secondary earth observation data with primary data obtained from interviews. Although we gathered earth observation data covering a long period of time (1985–2020), qualitative data from key stakeholders were only obtained in 2022 (for Ho) and in 2023 (for Kpalimé). Therefore, the data obtained from stakeholders to explain the spatial patterns of urbanization observed in both cities are more easily applicable to the latest periods of our analysis (1995–2010, and 2010–2020) than the earliest one (1985–1995). This is because most stakeholders were professionally active from the 1990s onwards, and did not necessarily have specific knowledge regarding previous years. To address eventual knowledge gaps, we recurred to early works on urbanization trends in Ghana and Togo. In addition, the purposive sampling method used to select the interviewees might lead to selection biases resulting in samples that are not necessarily representative of the studied populations or areas. To address this limitation and ensure the representativity of our samples, we determined the key stakeholder groups based on the International Guidelines on Urban and Territorial Planning [37]

5. Conclusions

This comparative, mixed methods study, the first of its kind between two secondary cities under different urban governance contexts, strengthens the literature on urbanization dynamics in West Africa. This study provided empirical evidence on the drivers of rapid and diffuse urbanization. Most importantly, it showed that the effective management of urban growth in secondary African cities is possible, as seen in Ho. The analysis of population growth and land consumption rates in Ho and Kpalimé showed that these two secondary cities are currently marked by the phenomenon of urban sprawl, but have undergone very distinct urbanization processes. Whereas Kpalimé showed a constant trend towards sprawl over the period of 1985–2020, Ho experienced compact urbanization between 1985 and 2010, and only more recently has its urban footprint grown faster than its resident population.
According to our interviews with various stakeholders in Ho and Kpalimé, the determining factors behind the urban sprawl recently observed in these two cities were as follows: the absence of housing policies aimed at low-income populations, the absence of or non-compliance with master plans and urban policies, the preponderance of single-family housing, land speculation, and the location of infrastructures and road networks.

Author Contributions

Four authors contributed to the production of this article. T.S.: conceptualization; methodology; formal analysis; investigations; data curation; validation and visualization; and writing—preparation of the original version. C.C.A.: project administration and fund acquisition; and supervision. J.C.: supervision. K.R.A.: validation and visualization. V.P.C.: methodology; writing—revision and editing. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research was funded by the World Bank through the Regional Center of Excellence on Sustainable Cities in Africa (CERVIDA-DOUNEDON), Université de Lomé, grant number IDA 5360 TG.

Data Availability Statement

The remote sensing data used in this study are freely available on the corresponding website, and the processed data are available upon request.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank the Regional Center of Excellence on Sustainable Cities of Africa (CERViDA-DOUNEDON), the Association of African Universities (AAU), and the World Bank for providing the necessary funding that facilitated our research work leading to these results. We would also like to express our gratitude to the authorities of the Ho and Kloto 1 municipalities for their support. We also thank all those involved in the data collection.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

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Figure 1. Location map of case study sites from OpenStreetMap and contributors, CC-BY-SA; Ho Municipal Assembly and Commune Kloto 1 map base.
Figure 1. Location map of case study sites from OpenStreetMap and contributors, CC-BY-SA; Ho Municipal Assembly and Commune Kloto 1 map base.
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Figure 2. Comparative evolution of urban populations in Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo), 1.960–2.020. Compiled by the authors from GSS (1.960, 1.984, 1.995, and 2.010) and INSEED (1.959, 1.981, and 2.010).
Figure 2. Comparative evolution of urban populations in Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo), 1.960–2.020. Compiled by the authors from GSS (1.960, 1.984, 1.995, and 2.010) and INSEED (1.959, 1.981, and 2.010).
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Figure 3. Evolution of land cover in the administrative perimeter of Kpalimé (Togo) in 1985, 1995, 2010, and 2020. Compiled by the authors from Landsat 4–5 TM (1985) and Landsat 7 ETM+ (1995, 2010, and 2020); datum: WGS 84 UTM 31 N.
Figure 3. Evolution of land cover in the administrative perimeter of Kpalimé (Togo) in 1985, 1995, 2010, and 2020. Compiled by the authors from Landsat 4–5 TM (1985) and Landsat 7 ETM+ (1995, 2010, and 2020); datum: WGS 84 UTM 31 N.
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Figure 4. Evolution of land cover in the administrative perimeter of Ho (Ghana) in 1985, 1995, 2010, and 2020. Compiled by the authors from Landsat 4–5 TM (1985) and Landsat 7 ETM+ (1995, 2010, and 2020); datum: WGS 84 UTM 31 N.
Figure 4. Evolution of land cover in the administrative perimeter of Ho (Ghana) in 1985, 1995, 2010, and 2020. Compiled by the authors from Landsat 4–5 TM (1985) and Landsat 7 ETM+ (1995, 2010, and 2020); datum: WGS 84 UTM 31 N.
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Figure 5. Average annual population growth rate (PGR) and land consumption rate (LCR) between 1985 and 2020: (a) shows average in Kpalimé and (b) average in Ho. Elaborated by the authors from Landsat 4–5 TM (1985) and Landsat 7 ETM+ (1995, 2010, and 2020); datum: WGS 84 UTM 31 N.
Figure 5. Average annual population growth rate (PGR) and land consumption rate (LCR) between 1985 and 2020: (a) shows average in Kpalimé and (b) average in Ho. Elaborated by the authors from Landsat 4–5 TM (1985) and Landsat 7 ETM+ (1995, 2010, and 2020); datum: WGS 84 UTM 31 N.
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Figure 6. SDG indicator 11.3.1 (ratio of land use and population growth rates) in Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo). Elaborated by the authors from Landsat 4 5 TM (1985) and Landsat 7 ETM+ (1995, 2010, 2020); datum: WGS 84 UTM 31 N.
Figure 6. SDG indicator 11.3.1 (ratio of land use and population growth rates) in Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo). Elaborated by the authors from Landsat 4 5 TM (1985) and Landsat 7 ETM+ (1995, 2010, 2020); datum: WGS 84 UTM 31 N.
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Table 1. List of maintenance structures.
Table 1. List of maintenance structures.
City of Kpalimé, TogoCity of Ho in Ghana
InstitutionsN° of People InterviewedInstitutionsN° of People Interviewed
Technical Services Department (DST)4Physical Planning Office (PPO)2
Planning and Development Division (DPD)2Lands Commission: Public and Vested Land Management Division (PVLMD)1
Neighborhood Development Committee (CDQ)8Municipal Environmental Health Office (MEHO)3
Architecture and urban planning offices (CUA)10Head Planning and Building Inspectorate Unit (HPBI)2
Regional environment department (DRE)1Municipal Development Planning Office (MDPO)2
Kloto Prefecture1Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) at the regional level2
Civil society organizations (OSC)10Survey and Mapping Division (SMD)- Lands Commission1
Department of Urban Planning and Housing (DGUH)1Municipal Engineer, Development of Urban Roads (MEDUR)2
Traditional chefs5National Disaster Management Organisation (NADMO)1
Heads of household15NGOs and associations6
Surveyor2Traditional chiefs6
Heads of household20
Surveyor1
Total59Total49
Table 2. Satellite images used in spatial analyses. Elaborated by the authors.
Table 2. Satellite images used in spatial analyses. Elaborated by the authors.
Picture TypeAcquisition DateResolution
1Landsat 4–5 TM16 April 198530 m
2Landsat 7 ETM+15 January 199530 m
3Landsat 7 ETM+30 January 201030 m
4Landsat 7 ETM+27 February 202030 m
Table 3. Evolution of the spatial coverage of Kpalimé and Ho. Compiled by the authors from Landsat 4–5 TM (1985) and Landsat 7 ETM+ (1995, 2010, and 2020) images; datum: WGS 84 UTM 31N.
Table 3. Evolution of the spatial coverage of Kpalimé and Ho. Compiled by the authors from Landsat 4–5 TM (1985) and Landsat 7 ETM+ (1995, 2010, and 2020) images; datum: WGS 84 UTM 31N.
Years1985 *199520102020% Change 1985 to 1995% Change 1995 to 2010% Change 2010 to 2020% Change 1985 to 2020
Kpalimé (Togo)
Population42,393 *54,00075,08485,776+27%+39%+14%+102%
Build-up area (ha)1088193724233876+78%+25%+60%+256%
Vegetation (ha)32,94926,77133,37220,576−19%+25%−38%−38%
Bare ground (ha)12055915970511,550+391%+64%+19%+859%
Ho (Ghana)
Population37,77755,04186,71591,085+46%+58%+5%+141%
Build-up area (ha)2850351350386126+23%+43%+22%+115%
Vegetation (ha)33,33631,60823,79422,341−5%−25%−6%−33%
Bare ground (ha)21,30122,29027,63623,599+5%+24%−15%+11%
* Population data for Kpalimé were not available for 1985, so we estimated the population on the basis of the 1981 census data.
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Sondou, T.; Anoumou, K.R.; Aholou, C.C.; Chenal, J.; Pessoa Colombo, V. Urban Growth and Land Artificialization in Secondary African Cities: A Spatiotemporal Analysis of Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo). Urban Sci. 2024, 8, 207. https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci8040207

AMA Style

Sondou T, Anoumou KR, Aholou CC, Chenal J, Pessoa Colombo V. Urban Growth and Land Artificialization in Secondary African Cities: A Spatiotemporal Analysis of Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo). Urban Science. 2024; 8(4):207. https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci8040207

Chicago/Turabian Style

Sondou, Tchakouni, Kouassi Rodolphe Anoumou, Coffi Cyprien Aholou, Jérôme Chenal, and Vitor Pessoa Colombo. 2024. "Urban Growth and Land Artificialization in Secondary African Cities: A Spatiotemporal Analysis of Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo)" Urban Science 8, no. 4: 207. https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci8040207

APA Style

Sondou, T., Anoumou, K. R., Aholou, C. C., Chenal, J., & Pessoa Colombo, V. (2024). Urban Growth and Land Artificialization in Secondary African Cities: A Spatiotemporal Analysis of Ho (Ghana) and Kpalimé (Togo). Urban Science, 8(4), 207. https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci8040207

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