Recent Developments on the Semantics of Perception Verbs

A special issue of Languages (ISSN 2226-471X).

Deadline for manuscript submissions: closed (18 December 2025) | Viewed by 2093

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Department of Linguistics, Ghent University, 9000 Gent, Belgium
Interests: corpus linguistics, contrastive linguistics, language variation
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Guest Editor
Department of Linguistics, Ghent University, 9000 Gent, Belgium
Interests: language contact; bilingualism; grammaticalization; functional linguistics; corpus linguistics
Special Issues, Collections and Topics in MDPI journals

Special Issue Information

Dear Colleagues,

Perception, the process by which a conscious entity captures, decodes, and interprets external stimuli, can rightly be considered one of the most sophisticated and fascinating processes of nature. As a cognitive process fundamental to all living beings, the phenomenon of perception has received considerable attention across various scientific fields, including linguistics. Indeed, since language is used primarily to talk about the world we perceive, language and perception are inextricably interwoven (Miller & Johnson-Laird 1976). This relation is reflected in the rich linguistic bibliography and the numerous studies dedicated to verbs of perception (cf. for instance Enghels 2007; Evans and Wilkins 2000; Ibarretxe-Antuñano 1999; Jansegers 2017; Norcliffe & Majid 2024; Sweetser 1990; Viberg 1984, 2001 among many others).

Over the last few decades, perception verbs have garnered widespread interest as a key to understanding the relationship between language and cognition and how language mediates our human experience. Therefore, they can be studied from many angles, including – but not limited to – a typological, diachronic and syntactic perspective.

First, verbs of perception have been studied typologically in relation to their polysemy and the (universal) patterns of lexicalization they give rise to. This had led to the idea that the lexicalization of perception verbs is constrained by a biologically grounded sense-modality hierarchy (Viberg 1984, 2001): sight > hearing > touch/taste/smell. According to this hierarchy, a verb having a basic meaning belonging to a sense modality higher in the hierarchy can get an extended meaning that covers some (or all) of the sense modalities lower in the hierarchy. Verbs higher in the hierarchy also give rise to metaphorical extensions. For example, it is well known that visual perception verbs have developed extended meanings beyond their denotational meaning linked to the domain of cognition (cf. ‘I see what you mean’) and similarly auditory perception has extended towards the notion of obedience (cf. ‘a child that does not listen’) (Evans and Wilkins 2000; Sweetser 1990). Likewise, it is well known that verbs of sight often give rise to a wide range of evidential values in various typologically non-evidential languages (Albelda 2018). Also, senses higher in the hierarchy are supposed to be more frequent, diachronically stable and morphosyntactically complex.

From a diachronic perspective, then, scholars also have focused on the lexicalization and grammaticalization process of perception verbs evolving towards discourse markers and serving a more pragmatic function. This process typically involves a gradual shift from concrete sensory meanings to more abstract, interactional and even discursive uses helping to organize and manage the flow of conversation (e.g. look in English, écoute in French, guarda in Italian, mira in Spanish). These patterns of grammaticalization have originated a rich bibliography on the cross-linguistic comparison of these grammaticalization patterns including both major national languages and under-studied indigenous languages (Van Olmen & Tantucci 2022; San Roque et al. 2018; Norcliffe & Majid 2024).

Third, perception verbs and their meaning extensions are closely related to the choice of argument structure. Indeed, perception verbs can select both nominal or sentential complements and this selection interacts with their meaning (Dik & Hengeveld 1991).  This syntax-semantics interface has been studied in large corpora, which allows not only qualitative descriptions of perception verbs, but also quantitative and statistical processing of the data (cf. among others Divjak 2015; Gries et al. 2020).

The main purpose of this Special Issue consist of reporting on new and current interest and developments  in research on the semantics of perception verbs, focusing on studies that innovate in terms of their topic, theoretical approach, and/or methodology. We welcome a wide range of (relevant) topics, which may include but are not limited to:

  • Cross-linguistic variation of perception verbs: studying both major national languages and under-studied (indigenous) languages, but also dialectical variants of the same language and sign language;
  • Cross-linguistic comparisons of grammaticalization trajectories of perception verbs: convergences and divergences;
  • A re-evaluation of the sense modality hierarchy through the analysis of lesser-studied languages (e.g. descriptions of tactile-dominant languages, alternative hierarchies in languages with different sensory salience);
  • New (diachronic) case studies of perception verbs evolving into discourse markers or modal particles. Perception verbs as markers of stance, evidentiality or (inter)subjectivity; emergence of discourse-level functions;
  • Lexicalization and grammaticalization of perception verbs as observed in different kinds of corpora, including spoken data;
  • New quantitative approaches to the syntax-semantics interface of perception verbs;
  • Corpus-based or experimental approaches to the analysis of the syntax and semantics of perception verbs.

Relevant papers regarding all languages from different frameworks are welcome.

We request that, prior to submitting a manuscript, interested authors initially submit a proposed title and an abstract of 200 words summarizing their intended contribution. Please send it to the guest editors (Marlies.Jansegers@UGent.be) or to /Languages/ editorial office (languages@mdpi.com). Abstracts will be reviewed by the guest editors for the purposes of ensuring proper fit within the scope of the special issue. Full manuscripts will undergo double-blind peer-review.

References

Albelda, Marta. 2018. ¿Atenuación del compromiso del hablante?: el caso de los evidenciales por lo visto y se ve que”, Rilce Rev. Filol. Hisp. 34 (3), 1179-1214.

Dik, Simon C. & Kees Hengeveld. 1991. The hierarchical structure of the clause and the typology of perception-verb complements. De Gruyter Mouton 29(2). 231–260. https://doi.org/10.1515/ling.1991.29.2.231.

Divjak, Dagmar. 2015. Exploring the grammar of perception: A case study using data from Russian. Functions of Language, 22(1), 44-68. https://doi.org/10.1075/fol.22.1.03div

Evans, Nicholas & Wilkins, David. 2000. In the mind’s ear: the semantic extensions of perception verbs in Australian languages. Language 76, 546-592.

Enghels, Renata. 2007. Les modalités de perception visuelle et auditive. Différences conceptuelles et répercussions sémantico-syntaxiques en espagnol et en français. Tübingen: Niemeyer.

Evans, Nicholas & David Wilkins. 2000. In the Mind’s Ear: The Semantic Extensions of Perception Verbs in Australian Languages. Language. Linguistic Society of America 76(3). 546–592.

Gries, Stefan Th., Jansegers, Marlies, & Miglio, Viola G. 2020. Quantitative methods for corpus-based contrastive linguistics. In Renata Enghels, Bart Defrancq, & Marlies Jansegers (Eds.), New approaches to contrastive linguistics : empirical and mathodological challenges (Vol. 336, pp. 53-84). https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110682588-003

Ibarretxe-Antuñano, Iraide. 1999. Polysemy and metaphor in perception verbs: a cross-linguistic study. Edinburgh: Universidad de Edinburgh.

Jansegers, Marlies. 2017. Hacia Un Enfoque Múltiple de La Polisemia : Un Estudio Empírico Del Verbo Multimodal “sentir” Desde Una Perspectiva Sincrónica y Diacrónica. Niemeyer, De Gruyter.

Miller, George A. & Johnson-Laird, Philip N. 1976. Language and perception. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Norcliffe, Elisabeth & Asifa Majid. 2024. Verbs of perception: a quantitative typological study. Language. Project MUSE 100(1), 81–123. https://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2024.a922789.

San Roque, Lila, Kendrick, Kobin H., Norcliffe, Elisabeth & Majid, Asifa. 2018. Universal meaning extensions of perception verbs are grounded in interaction . Cognitive Linguistics, 29(3), 371-406. https://doi.org/10.1515/cog-2017-0034

Sweetser, Eve. 1990. From Etymology to Pragmatics: Metaphorical and Cultural Aspects of Semantic Structure (Cambridge Studies in Linguistics). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511620904.

Van Olmen, Daniël & Tantucci, Vittorio. 2022. Getting attention in different languages: A usage-based approach to parenthetical look in Chinese, Dutch, English, and Italian. Intercultural Pragmatics, 19(2), 141-181. https://doi.org/10.1515/ip-2022-2001

Viberg,   Åke. 1984. The verbs of perception: a typological study. Linguistics 21, 123-162.

Viberg, Åke. 2001. The verbs of perception. In Martin Haspelmath, Ekkehard König, Wulf Oesterreicher y Wolfgang Raible (eds.), Language Typology and Language Universals. An International Handbook 1294-1309. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

Dr. Marlies Jansegers
Prof. Dr. Renata Enghels
Guest Editors

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Keywords

  • perception verbs
  • syntax-semantics interface
  • corpus studies
  • typology
  • cross-linguistic approaches
  • grammaticalization

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Published Papers (3 papers)

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24 pages, 1216 KB  
Article
The Pathway from Taste to Epistemic Flavors: Modal Semantics of Italian mi sa
by Andrea Miglietta and Eva-Maria Remberger
Languages 2026, 11(3), 54; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages11030054 - 16 Mar 2026
Viewed by 133
Abstract
In (colloquial) Italian, the fixed expression mi sa functions as an evidential/epistemic marker, requiring the dative 1SG clitic experiencer and the 3SG default form of the verb sapere. Mi sa diachronically develops from the verb for taste/smell, sapere, which is still [...] Read more.
In (colloquial) Italian, the fixed expression mi sa functions as an evidential/epistemic marker, requiring the dative 1SG clitic experiencer and the 3SG default form of the verb sapere. Mi sa diachronically develops from the verb for taste/smell, sapere, which is still productive in contemporary Italian, and the structure that it projects. This comprises an obligatory PP introduced by di encoding the type/quality of taste/smell (often metaphorically extended); a subject expressing the perceived entity; and an optional dative experiencer. We systematically analyzed data from the KIParla corpus, comparing the distribution of mi sa to the distribution of one of the most frequent Italian epistemic verb forms, namely, credo ‘I believe’. This study aimed to establish how the original perceptual meaning of mi sa influences its epistemic meaning. The results suggest that the persistence of the original object-oriented perception verb makes mi sa more likely to appear in particular contexts, i.e., events/situations that are known by the speaker through an inferential-like process. Furthermore, mi sa can only rarely be uttered out of the blue and seems to need a situative context (a stage), often containing an explicit QUD. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Recent Developments on the Semantics of Perception Verbs)
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27 pages, 864 KB  
Article
Variable Agreement Constructions in Spanish: Between Perception Modalities and Conceptual Foregrounding
by Renata Enghels and Mariia Baltais
Languages 2026, 11(3), 39; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages11030039 - 27 Feb 2026
Viewed by 280
Abstract
This article investigates how cognitive and grammatical mechanisms shape variable singular–plural agreement in Spanish perception–verb constructions, a domain where speakers alternate between agreement with the postverbal NP2 and agreement with the infinitival complement. Building on usage-based and cognitive linguistics approaches, this study [...] Read more.
This article investigates how cognitive and grammatical mechanisms shape variable singular–plural agreement in Spanish perception–verb constructions, a domain where speakers alternate between agreement with the postverbal NP2 and agreement with the infinitival complement. Building on usage-based and cognitive linguistics approaches, this study examines whether factors related to perceptual modality and conceptual salience underlie these alternations. A corpus analysis of pronominal infinitive constructions with ver and oír reveals divergent patterns across modalities, with visual perception favoring plural agreement and auditory perception favoring singular agreement. To evaluate whether these tendencies reflect deeper linguistic preferences, an acceptability-rating task systematically manipulated modality, agreement, and animacy. The results show no overall interaction between modality and agreement, but they identify a robust effect of animacy: sentences with human referents received higher ratings than those with inanimate referents. Moreover, animacy modulated the influence of modality and agreement in opposite directions, suggesting that speakers’ evaluations are sensitive to the ontological nature of the perceived stimulus. Together, the findings show that agreement variation reflects flexible conceptual construal and that corpus and experimental evidence offer complementary insights into the interface between morphosyntax, perception and salience in Spanish. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Recent Developments on the Semantics of Perception Verbs)
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22 pages, 8745 KB  
Article
From Vision to Discourse: The Grammaticalization of the Perception Verb Thấy in Vietnamese (13–20th C.)
by Trang Phan
Languages 2026, 11(1), 14; https://doi.org/10.3390/languages11010014 - 13 Jan 2026
Viewed by 401
Abstract
This paper offers the first long-range account of the grammaticalization of the Vietnamese perception verb thấy ‘see’ from the 13th to the mid-20th century. Using a balanced diachronic corpus of ten representative texts (1345 tokens), we combine frequency profiling with constructional analysis to [...] Read more.
This paper offers the first long-range account of the grammaticalization of the Vietnamese perception verb thấy ‘see’ from the 13th to the mid-20th century. Using a balanced diachronic corpus of ten representative texts (1345 tokens), we combine frequency profiling with constructional analysis to trace thấy’s shift from a literal visual predicate to a high-frequency resource for epistemic stance, evidentiality, evaluation, and discourse management. The results reveal a robust progression aligned with the sensory hierarchy and canonical event-schema pathways: early literal uses and multimodal bundling (13–14th c.) provide bridging contexts; the 15th century introduces raising (thấy + VP/Adj) and clausal complementation (thấy (rằng/) + CP); the 16–17th centuries expand resultative perception complexes (e.g., xem/chiêm bao/nghe + thấy) and reportative frames; the 18th century brings evaluative and speaker-anchored uses (chúng tôi thấy); the 19–20th centuries stabilize discourse-pivot (thấythì…), epistemic (thấy cần phải…), and exclamative/affective (thấy ghét) readings. We argue that Vietnamese clause-linking options and optional complementizers facilitate constructionalization via loose complementation and subjectification, while retaining perceptual residues that motivate evidential and interactional meanings. The study contributes: (i) a comprehensive diachrony of thấy; (ii) diagnostics separating perceptual, experiential, propositional, and discourse layers; and (iii) a case study bearing on the relationship between grammaticalization and constructional change in an isolating language. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Recent Developments on the Semantics of Perception Verbs)
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