Search Results (583)

This article critically examines the star persona of Lola Flores, an iconic Spanish flamenco artist, within the historical and political context of Francoist Spain (1939–1975). It argues that Flores’s carefully constructed star image not only persisted into post-Franco Spain but also served as a covert vehicle for the continued propagation of National-Falangist Catholic ideology. The article primarily focuses on two major productions: the book Lola en carne viva. Memorias de Lola Flores (1990) and the television series El coraje de vivir (1994). Both portray a linear and cohesive version of her life from childhood to her later years, carefully curated to defend and rehabilitate her image. While many view Flores as a self-made artist, the article argues that her star persona was a deliberate construct—shaped by Suevia Films, a major Francoist-era film studio, and media narratives that aligned her with traditional gender roles, Catholic values, and Spanish nationalism. Despite emerging in post-Franco Spain, Flores’s narrative does not mark a rupture from the ideological frameworks of the past. Instead, it repackages Francoist values—particularly those surrounding patriarchal gender norms, suffering, and the glorification of sacrifice—to ensure her continued relevance. Suevia Films (1951) played a significant role in shaping her star persona as a symbol of Spanish folklore, aligning her with Francoist ideals of nation, Catholic morality, and submissive femininity. Her image was used to promote Spain internationally as a welcoming and culturally rich destination. Her persona fit within Franco’s broader strategy of using flamenco and folklore to attract foreign tourism while maintaining tight ideological control over entertainment. Flores’s life is framed as a rags-to-riches story, which reinforces Social Spencerist ideology (a social Darwinist perspective) that hard work and endurance lead to success, rather than acknowledging systemic oppression under Francoism. Her personal struggles—poverty, romantic disappointments, accusations of collaboration with the Franco regime, and tax evasion—are framed as necessary trials that strengthen her character. This aligns with the Catholic ideal of redemptive suffering, reinforcing her status as the mater dolorosa (Sorrowful Mother) figure. This article highlights the contradictions in Flores’s gender performance—while she embodied passion and sensuality in flamenco, her offstage identity conformed to the submissive, self-sacrificing woman idealized by the Francoist Sección Femenina (SF). Even in her personal life, Flores’s narrative aligns with Francoist values—her father’s bar, La Fe de Pedro Flores, symbolizes the fusion of religion, nationalism, and traditional masculinity. Tico Medina plays a key role by framing Lola en carne viva as an “authentic” and unfiltered account. His portrayal is highly constructed, acting as her “defense lawyer” to counter criticisms. Flores’s autobiography is monologic—it suppresses alternative perspectives, ensuring that her version of events remains dominant and unquestioned. Rather than acknowledging structural oppression, the narrative glorifies suffering as a path to resilience, aligning with both Catholic doctrine and Francoist propaganda. The article ultimately deconstructs Lola Flores’s autobiographical myth, demonstrating that her public persona—both onstage and offstage—was a strategic construction that perpetuated Francoist ideals well beyond the dictatorship. While her image has been celebrated as a symbol of Spanish cultural identity, it also functioned as a tool for maintaining patriarchal and nationalist ideologies under the guise of entertainment. Full article

This study aims to examine how religion in Türkiye, beyond having social value, has been instrumentalized by political parties into a power dynamic and explore the role of the media in this process. Adopting an inductive approach, the study first examines how the boundaries between religion and politics have changed over the years, despite the Republic of Türkiye being constitutionally defined as a secular state, using a qualitative historical method. Then, in order to explore the current reflections of this transformation, focus is placed on the most recent presidential election, held in 2023. News reports about a widely circulated photograph of opposition presidential candidate Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu “stepping/standing” on a prayer rug, used by Muslims for worship, during his campaign are analyzed using the critical discourse analysis (CDA) method. The findings reveal that religion has become a significant component of political strategies and propaganda tools in Türkiye. Religious values and symbols function as powerful instruments, shaping societal perceptions through political discourse. As a hegemonic apparatus, the media reproduces religious discourse in line with ideological tendencies and mediatizes religion as a political tool. Full article

Since its origins, the debate on the interaction between religions and psychoactives has been strongly influenced, both positively and negatively, by prejudices, policies, fashions and trends that had little to do with scientific research. Stigma and exaltation in different historical moments have equally characterized the study of the presence and use of so-called entheogens in the different declinations of the shamanic phenomenon around the world. This article attempts to shed light on the various trends regarding the state of the art, providing new epistemological elements on the basis of an ethnographic investigation among some Indigenous peoples of India. The production of alcoholic beverages (fermented and distilled, but sometimes in combination with other psychoactive or hallucinogens among the starters) is a fundamental trait of the aboriginal (ādivāsī) cultures of the Indian subcontinent. Not immune from an attempt at political instrumentalization, which occurred both in the colonial period and in the contemporary era, the discourse on the natural production of these sacred substances is today the key to understanding indigenous ontology and its traditional idea of sustainability. Far beyond the mere documentation of the induction of altered states of consciousness, this investigation involves the discovery of local pharmacopeias, as well as principles of fermentation and food preservation. Full article

The participation of Muslim women in the Israeli labor force is very low and stems from them being part of a traditional patriarchal society where women (especially religious ones) are still expected to be homemakers. Additionally, previous governmental policy decisions hindered a wide integration of Muslim women into the labor market. This study examined the centrality of life domains for Muslim women according to their religiosity degree. A questionnaire concerning the relative centrality of work, family, community, religion, and leisure was distributed among 219 Muslim working women. The findings show that work was more central for traditional women compared to secular and religious ones, but secular women ranked the centrality of family first and work second, similarly to the ranking in various Western countries. By contrast, traditional and religious women ranked work first and family second. Additionally, secular women ranked the centrality of leisure and community higher than traditional and religious women. The Israeli case is relevant in this regard because, similar to other Western countries, most Muslims in Israel form a distinct ethnic group, characterized by lower socioeconomic status and subject to political marginalization. The results have both theoretical and practical significance. Full article

Business groups comprise independently owned firms based on different types of owner solidarity, such as kinship, ethnicity, religion, or political identity. However, research has been slow to account for how the adverse effects of ethnic solidarity influence BG-affiliate firm performance. We investigate the interplay of owner ethnicity and their firms’ innovation and export performance. We find variations in affiliates’ performance based on their self-identified ethnicities by analyzing data from the World Bank’s Enterprise Surveys (WBES) across 20 sub-Saharan African countries. Notably, long-established migrant communities, including Indian, Middle Eastern, and European entrepreneurs, experienced waning performance within the BG structure. In contrast, group-affiliated firms led by Chinese entrepreneurs show significant outperformance compared to their African counterparts and minority group affiliates. This study contributes to a novel understanding of the heterogeneous relationship between ethnic solidarity and BG-affiliated firms’ performance across sub-Saharan Africa. Full article

In 2002, the Justice and Development Party came to power in Turkey, while Recep Tayyip Erdoğan became its leader in 2003, and both have remained in power until today. Initially, Erdoğan had a predominantly Islamist discourse, and in that period, Islam became gradually more visible in public space and foreign relations. However, that Islamist discourse later increasingly gave way to realpolitik due to domestic requirements and international economic and political changes. This article deals with this transition from Islamism to civil religion and secularism during Erdoğan’s power and explores its nature and characteristics as well as the impact on politics. I suggest that while still sometimes making use of an Islamist rhetoric, Erdoğan’s focus in recent years has been more on various secular–sacred items of civil religion, like homeland, nation (as a chosen people), national flag, (sacralized) state, and, additionally, national development. I examine the civil religion Erdoğan advocates by analyzing his official and casual speeches, interviews he gave, and some of the slogans he used. I also suggest that Erdoğan’s transition to civil religion also represents a shift to secularism, as modern civil religions undermine and subordinate established religions to a great extent and also create their own secular sacredness. Full article

The expansion of empires and colonial rule significantly shaped the movement of religious communities, practices, and institutions across borders. This article examines the intersections of empire, colonialism, and religious mobility with a view to exploring how colonial administrations facilitated, restricted, or co-opted religious movements for governance and control. Religious actors—such as missionaries, clerics, traders, and diasporic communities—played roles in transnational exchanges, carrying faith traditions across imperial networks while simultaneously influencing local spiritual landscapes. The study situates religious mobility within the broader framework of colonial power structures and analyzes how missionary enterprises, religious conversions, and state-sponsored religious policies were used to consolidate imperial control. It also considers how indigenous religious movements navigated, resisted, or transformed under colonial rule. The case studies include Christian missionary networks in British and French colonies, the movement of Islamic scholars across the Ottoman and Mughal empires, and the role of Buddhism in colonial southeast Asia. These examples highlight the role of religion not just as a tool of empire but as a vehicle for indigenous agency, resistance, and syncretic transformation. This article explores the transnational mobility of religious artifacts, sacred texts, and pilgrimage networks, demonstrating how colonial expansion altered religious landscapes beyond political boundaries. The study critically engages with postcolonial perspectives to interrogate how colonial legacies continue to shape contemporary religious diasporas and global faith-based movements. Full article

The origin of this article lies in the concurrent existence of multiple religious groups in the United States and the interactions between them. This essay examines the dynamics of religious pluralism through the interaction of two religious groups—African Americans and Jews—in the realms of religion, society, and politics. Among the diverse religious groups in the United States, the growing presence of Jews, bolstered by migration from Germany in the 19th century and from Eastern Europe in the 20th century, introduced new traditions and significantly contributed to the development of religious experimentation among African Americans. The phenomenon of African American communities embracing Judaism exemplifies how religious pluralism and diaspora intersect to produce new forms of religious and cultural identity. These communities challenge traditional notions of both Jewishness and African Americanness, demonstrating the fluidity of identity in diasporic contexts. Full article

Through an interdisciplinary study of the work of Jesuit Athanasius Kircher (1602–1680), the authors investigate the relationship between the cultural policies of the Roman Curia, the Jesuit order, religious diversity, and the aesthetic–spatial configuration of Rome during the early modern age. This paper shares in-depth observations of the recovery of ancient culture and its reworking in a post-reformist Christian age through architectural and spatial elements adopted to endorse the continuity of the ancient past and the Catholic reformistic universalistic aspirations. In this context, Kircher worked to decipher hieroglyphics on obelisks of the Imperial age but from Egyptian times. These defined a specific topography of space as a visual convergence of points: an urban geography of sacral and historical–political value and a connection with the memories of the Roman Empire and the most ancient religions of the ancient times. Full article

During the early Republican years in China, through the publication of several prominent Western individuals’ view with respect to the Confucian religion in materials like Kong jiao lun 孔教论 (On the Confucian Religion) and 孔教会杂志 (The Confucian Association Monthly), Chen Huanchang, the director of the Confucian Association, appeared to have successfully enlisted the support for the Association from some renowned Western figures in China, including Timothy Richard, Gilbert Reid, Hermann Graf Keyserling, Hiram Stevens Maxim, and Reginald Fleming Johnston. Notwithstanding the Confucian Association’s propaganda, Timothy Richard and Gilbert Reid’s patronage of the Confucian Association in fact stemmed from their concept of “uniting all religions”. The praises heaped on Confucius by Hermann Graf Keyserling and Hiram Stevens Maxim were totally unrelated to the Confucian Association but were cleverly packaged by Chen Huanchang as an ideal resource through his ingenious translation. Reginald Fleming Johnston’s laudatory remarks with respect to the Confucian Association were inevitably motivated by his political speculation. The superficial respect for Confucius among Westerners in China belied more complex and nuanced attitudes towards making the Confucian religion the state religion of China. Such attitudes reveal the multiple facets of Confucianism in the early Republican era in response to some of the challenges posed by modernization. Full article

The contemporary restructuring of religion and secularism demands a departure from conventional post-secular analyses that remain confined within the epistemic and institutional frameworks of the nation-state. This paper develops the concept of post-secular cosmopolitanization to theorize the dissolution of the secular–religious binary as a regulatory mechanism of power, revealing how religion and secularism are co-constituted through global entanglements that transcend national boundaries. Unlike dominant conceptions of post-secularism, which assumes the continued dominance of secular and national institutions despite religious resurgence, post-secular cosmopolitanization captures the ways in which transnational religious movements, digital religious networks, and global governance structures are reshaping religious authority, secular regulation, and political sovereignty. It is shown that this transformation leads to three major consequences: (1) the erosion of the nation-state’s regulatory monopoly over religious life as alternative religious and transnational actors emerge as influential governance entities; (2) the deterritorialization and fragmentation of religious authority, undermining traditional clerical and institutional hierarchies; and (3) the blurring of religious and secular domains, where global economic, legal, and political structures increasingly integrate religious actors, norms, and ethical frameworks. These developments signal a paradigmatic shift beyond the secularization thesis and dominant conceptions of post-secularism, necessitating a reconsideration of how power, governance, and religious authority function in a world no longer structured by the nation-state’s exclusive claim to sovereignty. By analyzing these entanglements, this paper provides a theoretical framework to understand the reconfiguration of global secular and religious orders, challenging entrenched assumptions about the trajectory of modernity. Full article

Grief is often seen as a personal response to losing a loved one, but it can also arise from the loss of deeply held values and identities linked to social, structural, and religious spheres. Political grief is a unique form of this, stemming from political policies, laws, and social messaging that certain groups perceive as losses. As societies face political decisions and systemic failures, grief can emerge from losing trust in institutions, shared beliefs, and a sense of belonging. An outgrowth of political grief is a strain on relationships due to polarization, heightened by threat-activating events and resulting tensions. Many people turn to religion to counter feelings of vulnerability and incoherence in today’s political climate. While this may relieve anxiety and provide stability, it can also exacerbate some sources of grief. Understanding these dimensions is crucial for addressing political grief’s broader implications, as individuals and communities seek meaning and attempt to rewrite their narratives in adversity. This discussion includes defining grief beyond death-loss and exploring the interplay between social/political structures and culture. It also considers specific threats and responses, including religious alignment, focusing on recent events in the United States. Full article

The post-modern era is characterized by a structural religious pluralism, whereby the public dimension of religion has re-emerged as a prominent feature after the relative obscurity of the modern period. In the context of Christianity, the contribution of religion to the common good has been reflected upon in the extensive and profound field of Public Theology. Since its inception in the 1980s, this vast area of studies has encompassed a wide range of topics, including politics, civil society, economics, social issues, and justice. However, the interreligious dimension of public theology appears to be less developed. This is linked, firstly, to the discovery of the public dimension of neighbouring religions and, secondly, to the clarification of the relationship between this and Christian Public Theology. It is evident that the focus of this discussion is the development of a Comparative Public Theology as Interreligious Public Theology. This is a theology that considers the comparative study of religions in a pluralistic context, with the public aspect as its background. On this basis, the contribution has two main aims. Firstly, to identify the field of interreligious public theology, and secondly to concretise it by exploring the field of education from an interreligious and public perspective, i.e., as a contribution to the common good. Full article

This paper explores the intersection of race, religion, and colonial legacies through the lens of the Oruro Carnival, examining its role in shaping Bolivian identity. Critical religion scholars argue that the entanglement of race and religion is a product of Western modernity and colonialism, which has influenced both historical and contemporary power relations. This framework is applied to analyse the Carnival, where religious practices and festive performances intersect, reflecting colonial efforts at religious conversion and racial categorisation. By focusing on the ethnography of Oruro’s embodied festive practices, this study investigates how the Carnival contributes to the construction of difference amid Bolivia’s socio-political transformations. This paper also examines how, by the 20th century, colonial religious frameworks intertwined with secular racial categories, particularly through the rise of mestizaje as a nation-building discourse. A historical analysis of Carnival performances reveals how race, religion, and power have continually shaped the celebration, tracing its evolution from a segregated religious practice to a national spectacle, particularly after the 1952 revolution. The mutually configuring relationship between race and religion in Carnival highlights its role in both reinforcing and challenging dominant power structures. Full article

The management of laicity in Mexico, legally and politically, is a federal issue that involves regulating the activities of Churches and religious communities in the public space, in their practices, rituals, and relations with the organs of the state. However, in recent years, the growing presence and activity of Churches at the local level has called into question the need to observe how laicity is managed by subnational governments, both state and municipal. Are there mechanisms at the local level to regulate the presence of religion in the public space? How are religious traditions presented as culturally managed? What are the demands of Churches on local authorities and what is their political relationship with them? How is the demand for religious freedom resolved locally without violating citizens’ other freedoms, such as the freedom of conscience in issues such as education, health, traffic, and freedom of expression? All this has put into perspective whether laicity and the secular state should continue to be a national dimension or whether it is necessary to rethink legal and political forms at the local level, building new frameworks of governance and governability. This text reviews the public management of laicity in eight entities of the country, which in turn is representative of the rest of the entities with their local variations. However, they generally move in the constant dimensions of religious diversity, interreligious councils, offices, or those in charge of religious affairs, and levels of municipal participation. The construction of a new laicity is then proposed, which does not exclude religion from the public agenda but rather a new secular perspective on the participation of religious communities in public affairs. From a Latin American perspective, Mexico is seen as an effective government regime that separates religion from politics, restricting the participation of religious organizations in the public agenda. However, at the local level, this regime is changing with the inclusion of faith-based organizations in politics. This will undoubtedly lead to a change in the historical concept, a reference point in the region. The term management of laicity refers to the regulation and administration of governments (services, legal support, spaces, and dialogues) with religious communities. Management (control, regulation, permits, sanctions, and recognition) is defined by law and in public policy towards religion from the federal government, but not in local governments that lack clear regulatory frameworks, intervention guidelines, and support, hence the emphasis on the term. Full article